Thursday, June 30, 2016

TELLS FROM “CHAMBERS OF TORTURE”: LIVING THE PRESENT

Abel Wabela
On April 25 2014, the day Abel Wabela was taken to his cell at Ma’ekelawi, he was overcome by a feeling of confusion and physical exhaustion. Once inside the center, “they took my belt, my shoe; they opened the door of the cell and [pushed] me inside,” he remembers. The room was pitch-dark; he couldn’t make head or tail out of it. Other inmates who had already been inside gave him blankets and “I fell asleep right away”. It was only the next morning when he woke up that Abel was able to fully grasp his new reality.
Abel was no stranger to tales about Ma’ekelawi. Since he started following Ethiopian politics, he had been aware of the horrible stories coming out of the shady institution and he had read some of the human rights reports with strong allegations. But now he had to come face to face and get a taste of it himself.
The cell was very cold, Abel says. Inside there were seven other detainees. All he could see are plastic bags and buckets. The mattresses to sleep on were not thick enough to resist the cold coming from the cement floors. His cellmates (some of whom had been there for quite a long time) explained to him that the mats used to be even thinner. They also told him that twice a day, in the early morning and late afternoon, they’d have bathroom breaks; and they would go outside for sunlight for fifteen minutes. Besides that, the rooms were locked all the time.
He didn’t see his lawyer or family for three weeks. “And after they allowed me to contact them, once a week that is, on Fridays, it went on very irregularly. There were days when I didn’t get to see them,” he confides to this magazine.
Sleep deprivation was commonplace as he was often called in the middle of the night for interrogation.
The interrogation predominantly focused on the origin, direction and purpose of Zone9, a blogging collective of which Abel was a founding member. “I told them we were just a bunch of young people concerned about our country and people,” he says, “and our aim was to make a platform for public discourse in which ideas can run free. They were not happy with that. They kept on asking what will happen after ideas ran free.”
The interrogation went sour after Abel dared to confront one of his interrogators. “I asked him boldly why [the ruling] EPRDF was afraid of ideas. He went totally mad. He started kicking me like a crazy person,” he says struggling to control his emotions. “Before I was jailed I already have a problem in my left ear. So when he started kicking me I asked him not to hit me on my left ear. But he did exactly that.” After being made to return to his cell, Abel cried all night long. “My ear was echoing all night.” The next morning he explained his situation to the person in charge and asked for a physician. “But he said it was not a big deal.”
It was not the first time that Abel was tortured. Nor was it the last until he was set free a year and half later.
“I was first hit by the interrogators after they asked me about my ethnicity and I told them I prefer to be identified simply as Ethiopian,” he says. He brought this incident at the court when his case was being seen. “The judge didn’t do anything. In fact when I returned back to Ma’ekelawi my interrogators told me that there was nothing I’d bring by reporting them to the court.”
The most horrible torture came later though, when “I refused to sign a statement of confession they brought. I told them that that was not my word and if they wanted me to sign it they had to make some amendments.”  But they resorted to force instead. “They stroke the soles on my feet with a stick and computer power cable. When I still refused to sign they took me, still handcuffed, to a dark room and tortured me more. They even let me lay down and stumped on me, including my face,” he says. Eventually he signed the paper but only after they made the amendments he demanded.
It’s been six months now since Abel left prison. But the 84 days he spent at Ma’ekelawi before he was transferred toQilinto, a prison in the outskirt south of the city, do still have a profound impact on him. “I used to be more conservative and used to want to control everything in my life. Now I am not like that. I tried to live smoothly but all of a sudden some unexpected details trigger a memory,” he says. He particularly cites an incident in which he was attending a court case and saw his abusive interrogator standing by casually. “He was there like nothing happened, like nothing happens. He was just another man like everybody else. But he was allowed to abuse me.”
Before being jailed, Abel worked as a tools engineer at Ethiopian Airlines. “But they terminated my contract even though I have papers from the court declaring my innocence,” he says. He is now in two court cases with his former employer; he has sued Ethiopian “for their unconstitutional and illegal act” and they on the other hand have sued him for breach of contract. “When I was hired, I took a training and singed a contract to commit for seven years. Otherwise I had to pay seventy thousand ETB. Now after terminating my job they want their money back,” he says with a tinge of ironic smile of a man whose life is hanging in the balance after his experience at Ma’ekelawi.


ወታደሮችንና ከባድ ማሳሪያዎችን የጫኑ ተሽከርካሪዎች ወደ ግንባር እየተጓዙ ነው

ሰኔ ፳፫ ( ሃያ ሦስት ) ቀን ፳፻፰ / ኢሳት ዜና :- ከደቡብና ከመሃል አገር የነበሩ የመከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት እንዲሁም አዳዲስ የገቡና ነባር የጦር መሳሪያዎችን የጫኑ ተሽከርካሪዎች ወደ ግንባር እየተጓዙ ነው። የህዝብ ማመላለሻ ተሽካርካሪዎች በግዳጅ ወታደሮችን እንዲያመላልሱ እየተደረገ መሆኑን የሚናገሩት የአይን እማኞች፣ ከባድ መሳሪያዎችን የጫኑ ተሽከርካሪዎች ከዚህ ቀደም ባልታዬ መልኩ በብዛት ወደ ግንባት እየተጓዙ ነው ብለዋል።
ከትናንት በስቲያ ወደ ትግራይ ሲጓዝ የነበረው የመከላከያ ሰራዊት ኮንቮይ ኮምቦልቻ ላይ ሁለት ተሽከርካሪዎች ተጋጭተው መንገድ ዘግተውበት 5 ሰአታት በላይ መንገድ ዘግቶ መቆየቱንም የአይን እማኞች ገልጸዋል።
በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የፌደራል ፖሊስ ወንጀል ምርመራ ዘርፍ አዲስ አበባ ፖሊስ አባላትን በሰፊው በተደራጀ አግባብ እየሰለሉዋቸው መሆኑን ምንጮቻችን ጠቁመዋል። ይህንን ተከትሎ በደንብ ማስከበር ስራ ላይ የተሰማሩ ካድሬዎች ጭምን ድንጋጤ ውስጥ  መግባታቸው ታውቋል።
ስለላው ለምን እንደሚካሄድ ባይታወቅም፣ በፖሊስ ሰራዊት ውስጥ እየጨመረ የመጣው አለመተማመን ምክንያት ሳይሆን አይቀርም በማለት ምንጮች አስተያየታቸውን ይሰጣሉ። ከፌደራል ፖሊስና ከአዲስ አበባ ፖሊስ ኮሚሽን ስራቸውን ጥለው የጠፉትን  ፖሊሶች አዲስ ኮሚቴ ተዋቅሮ እየታደኑ መሆኑን ምንጮች አክለው ግለጸዋል።


Allow Ethiopian opposition politician to obtain treatment abroad for torture-sustained injuries-Amnesty International

The Ethiopian authorities must allow an opposition politician who is now unconscious due to injuries sustained in torture and other ill-treatment to obtain life-saving medical treatment abroad, said Amnesty International in a letter to Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.
Habtamu Ayalew, the former spokesman for the opposition Andenet (Unity) party was arrested on July 8, 2014 and charged with terrorism for allegedly collaborating with the opposition Ginbot 7, which the Ethiopian government has designated a terrorist group. He was detained at the notorious Maekelawi and Qilinto Prisons, where he was subjected to torture and other ill treatment through denial of access to toilet facilities, a situation that led to him to develop excruciatingly painful hemorrhoids.
“Habtamu has been prevented from leaving the country because the prosecutor has appealed the High Court’s decision that released him from prison. The appeal is currently pending before the Supreme Court,” said Haben Fecadu, Amnesty International’s Campaigner for the Horn of Africa.
“He must be urgently let out of the country on humanitarian grounds, if for nothing else, if his life is to be saved.”
Although easily treatable in the early stages, Ayalew’s hemorrhoids were left to deteriorate to Stage-3 which requires surgery, after his jailers repeatedly denied him access to medical treatment.
“The authorities should promptly and impartially investigate the detention conditions that caused Habtamu’s health to deteriorate so much. They must also prosecute anyone reasonably suspected of personal responsibility for this and related offences, including torture or other acts of ill-treatment, in fair trials,” said Fecadu.
Although the High Court acquitted Habtamu and other defendants of the terrorism Charges on September 20, 2015, he was not released until five months later, by which time his condition had deteriorated further.

www.amnestyusa.org

12 Things You Didn’t Know About The Ethiopia-Eritrea War Of 1998 – 2000

Eritrea and Ethiopia are neighbors in the Horn of Africa. After Italy’s colonization of Eritrea ended in 1952, Ethiopia annexed it for 30 years. A referendum in April 1993 voted for her independence.
The borders were not clearly defined and have been the cause of frosty relations between the two nations. Consequently, a war broke out from May 1998 to June 2000, over a border dispute.
Below are 12 things you probably didn’t know about the war of 1998-2000.

Cause of dispute

The town of Badme in the Tigray region, which had a population of 800 people led to the war. On May 6, 1998, Eritrean soldiers crossed into the region which was under Ethiopian administration. The soldiers clashed with the Ethiopian police and Tigrayan militia. Eritrea sent in platoons with more tanks and heavy artillery. On May 13, 1998, Ethiopia mobilized forces for a full assault on Eritrea.

Casualties

The border war claimed the lives of 19,000 Eritrean soldiers. It was a massive loss to the nation. At least 100,000 civilians and soldiers from both nations were killed.
General Tsadkan (Image: w3livenews.com)
General Tsadkan (Image: w3livenews.com)General Tsadkan (Image: w3livenews.com)

General breaks into tears

In a meeting that included top members of the military, General Tsadkan of the Ethiopian Army broke into tears. He could not stand the failures and ineptness through which his nation fought against Eritrea, leading to massive human and weaponry losses. More than two thirds of Ethiopian military machinery was destroyed.

Attack on airport

The Asmara International Airport was shelled by Ethiopia fighter jets as they bombed a military airstrip nearby. Two bombs landed on the airport’s access road, damaging it and a building inside the military airstrip.
Ethiopian fighter jets (Image: defense-update.com)
Ethiopian fighter jets (Image: defense-update.com)Ethiopian fighter jets (Image: defense-update.com)

Pilot captured twice

After Ethiopian MiG-21 fighter jets attacked Asmara in 1998, Col. Bezabeh Petros, a pilot was captured after the jets were shot down by Eritrean military. In 2012, Col Bezabeh was still held as a Prisoner of War by the Eritrean regime. He had earlier been captured in 1984 after Eritrean soldiers shot down a MiG-21 he was flying, and later released in 1991. He was one of the most experienced and proficient air-force pilots in the Ethiopian military.

Famine strikes

As the war raged on, a severe drought hit Ethiopia. The government was accused of spending millions of dollars on the war as her population died of starvation. About 8.1 Ethiopians were faced with starvation and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) requested the Eritrean government to use the Port of Assab to deliver food aid to the Northern and Southern parts of Ethiopia that were hit hard by the famine.

Shortage of pilots

In the early stages of the war, Ethiopian military had a shortage of pilots to lead her air assault on Eritrea. This had been caused by the fall of Mengistu Haile Mariam-led Derga regime in 1991. The new government with the support of Eritrea had imprisoned all officers and pilots to the rank of a major.
Eritrean women freedom fighters (Image: pinterest.com)
Eritrean women freedom fighters (Image: pinterest.com)Eritrean women freedom fighters (Image: pinterest.com)

Illegal Deportations

In June 1998, the government started a campaign against Ethiopians of Eritrean origin. At least 75,000 were forcibly stripped of all proof of their Ethiopian citizenship and deported to Eritrea. In Asmara, the Eritrean government forcibly expelled about 70,000 Ethiopians.

Human Rights Violations

In Ethiopia, the government targeted Ethiopians of Eritrean origin in business and political organizations. It revoked business permits and froze bank accounts and assets of thousands of Ethiopians of Eritrean origin.

Child Soldiers

The two nations were accused of mobilizing boys under 18 years to fight in the war. Ethiopia forcibly recruited teenage boys between 15-17 years into the military when the war broke out in May 1998. Most of them came from the Oromo and Somali minority communities. In April 1999, Ethiopia released a list of Eritrean soldiers captured as Prisoners of War. Most were under 18 years, the youngest being 15 years old.
Ethiopian defense forces Photo: tigraionline.com
Ethiopian defense forces Photo: tigraionline.com

Economic strain

The countries diverted millions of dollars to the war. This took away funds for development projects and led to devastating implications on their economies. It delayed the flow of development and aid funds to the two impoverished nations. The economies were deprived of investments and fell into recession, which led to massive human and social implications too.
Source: http://afkinsider.com/

ኢትዮጵያን እንደ አገር ለመቀጠል ከሚያሰጋቸው አገራት ተርታ ተመደበች

ሰኔ ፳፫ ( ሃያ ሦስት ) ቀን ፳፻፰ / ኢሳት ዜና :- ዓመታዊው የአገራት ሰላምና ጸጥታ የሰፈነባቸውና ለሰው ልጆች ደኅንነት አስጊ የሆኑ አገራት ጥናት የደረጃ ሰንጠረዥ ይፋ መደረጉን ተከትሎ፣ በዓለማችን ላይ ያሉ ለወደፊቱ እንደ አገር ለመቀጠል ከፊት ለፊታቸው ሥጋት ከተደቀነባቸው 25 አገራት መካከል ኢትዮጵያ አንዷ ሆናለች። በዓመታዊው የአገራት የደረጃ ሰንጠረዥ መሰረት ሰላምና ጸጥታ የሰፈነባቸው ለዜጎች ምቹ የደኅንነት ዋስትና ያላቸው በመባል የስካንዲኒቪያን አገራት በቀዳሚነት ይመራሉ።
ኢትዮጵያ ከሃያ አምስቱ አገራት 24 ደረጃ ላይ የተቀመጠች ሲሆን 64 በመቶ የሚሆነው ሕዝቧ እድሜያቸው 25 ዓመት በታች ውስጥ እንደሚገኙና በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የሕጻናት ሞት ከሚከሰትባቸው 33 የዓለማችን አገራት ተርታ እንደምትመደብም ጥናቱ አመላክቷል።
ባለፈው ዓመት ብቻ በኢትዮጵያ በአገር ውስጥ 400 ሽህ በላይ ዜጎቿ ከመኖሪያ ቀያቸው ተፈናቅለዋል። ይህም ለወደፊቱ እንደ አገር ለመቀጠል ከፊት ለፊታቸው ከፍተኛ የሆነ የደኅንነት ሥጋት ከተደቀኑባቸው አገራት ተርታ ኢትዮጵያ እንደምትገኝ ጥናቱ አመልክቷል።
ሁለቱ ጎረቤት አገራት ደቡብ ሱዳንና ሶማሊያ አንደኛና ሁለተኛ ደረጃን ይዘው ሲመሩ መሃከለኛው አፍሪካ፣ የመን፣ ሱዳን፣ ሶሪያ፣ ቻድ፣ ዲሞክራቲክ ሪፐብሊክ ኦፍ ኮንጎ፣ አፍጋኒስታንና አይቲ ከአንድ እስከ አስር ያለውን ደረጃ በቅደምተከተላቸው ይዘዋል።