Monday, June 30, 2014

Why is Ethiopia the second poorest country on the planet?

ethiopia povertyRecently, a well-known correspondent for one of the major American media outlets stationed in Ethiopia sent me an email grousing about my article urging boycott of Coca Cola in Ethiopia. He wrote, “I’m sorry to be blunt, but I don’t understand the thrust of this article [on boycotting Coca Cola]. You seem intent on misleading at least some of your ‘millions’ of readers that Ethiopian politics is simply evil regime vs angelic (and united) opponents.”
My response to the befuddled foreign correspondent was terse, swift and unapologetic. “It is. Deal with it! I am not sorry to be blunt. It is your right to mindlessly parrot the regime’s line!!!” When one’s journalistic accreditation and privileged existence in Ethiopia depends on one’s choice ofwords and reportorial insipidity, timidity masquerading as integrity and neutrality becomes a journalistic virtue.
I suspect this commentary on the question of poverty in Ethiopia will befuddle the ruling regime in Ethiopia, its cronies, supporters and domestic and foreign apologists. They will all say, “Here he goes again rootin’ and tootin’ for  ‘angelic (and united) opponents’ and ‘demonizing’ an ‘evil regime.’” I never give the regime a “fair shake” and will never recognize “anything good they have ever done.” They will all bellyache about how I will go out of my way to discredit the galloping “economic growth the country has registered over the past decade.” They will whine about how I never miss the opportunity to paint the regime a darker shade of evil every Monday.
The fact of the matter is that I let the chips fall where they may. I pride myself in being blunt and not hiding behind a façade of moral relativism and self-serving, convenient and faux journalistic probity.  I do not believe in “angelicizing” demons nor demonizing “angels”. I tell it like I see it. I am a straight talker of truth to abusers of power; and those who can’t handle straight talk can walk.
I am also an unrepentant partisan.  I am 100 percent partial to the cause of human rights, the principle of rule of law and the practice of due process. I offer a personal point of view on a variety of issues. I analyze things happening in Ethiopia first through the lens of a constitutional lawyer and second as a political scientist. I moralize and pontificate from time to time because I am outraged by the evil that men and women do.  I believe poverty is the root of all evil. I believe the late Meles Zenawi left a dismal and bleak legacy of moral, physical and metaphysical evil in Ethiopia that will last for a generation. Shakespeare understood evil, and through Antony in Julius Caesarspoke: “The evil that men do lives after them; The good is oft interred with their bones. So let it be with Caesar.” I hasten to add, “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men (and women) to do nothing” and to say nothing. Thus, I must speak out against poverty – the poverty spawned by poverty profiteers and poverty pimps — as the root of all evil in Ethiopia.
The evil that survives evil men keeps Ethiopia as the second poorest country in the world
Last week, the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHDI) Multidimensional Poverty Index (formerly annual U.N.D.P. Human Poverty Index) reported for the fourth successive year that Ethiopia is ranked as the second poorest country on the planet. Over the years, numerous other international organizations have ranked Ethiopia among the bottom five worst countries in the world not only on poverty bust also on human righst and other measures. In 2010, OPHDI reported that the percentage of the Ethiopian population in “severe poverty” (living on less than USD$1 a day) was 72.3%.  The OPHDI 2014 poverty statistics are even more shocking. In rural Ethiopia, 82 % of the population struggles “in severe poverty” compared to 18% in the urban areas.  The highest incidences of “severe poverty” in Ethiopia in 2014 are found in the following regions: Somali (93% ), Oromiya (91.2%), Afar (90.9%),  Amhara (90.1%) and Tigray (85.4%). By OPHDI measures, poverty is not simply lack of money. It is  quintessentially about bad health, bad education, bad nutrition, bad child mortality, bad water supply, bad electricity supply, bad housing and bad sanitation. Ethiopia is in very bad shape; and that is how she got to be ranked the second poorest country on the planet!
The regime in Ethiopia tirelessly vociferates to project itself as a band of enlightened  “renaissance” leaders on a mission of transforming Ethiopia into a utopia. In September 2012, the ceremonial “prime minister” of Ethiopia, Hailemariam Desalegn, in his funeral oration proclaimed:  “Our great leader Meles Zenawi has been the chief architect of our country’s renaissance, which has been assured by double-digit growth over the last eight years.” A few weeks ago,  Hailemariam proudly told  The Africa Report: “Everyone is now talking about the Ethiopian renaissance”. (No kidding!?)
Last September, Tedros Adhanom, the malaria-researcher-turned-instant-foreign-minister and the man being groomed to become  “prime minister” in 2015 after Hailemariam is unceremoniously shooed out the door, went to the Golden Citizen Festival in New York City and crowed about “the success of Ethiopia and Africa”. He said, “Ethiopia has done lots of strides in economic, social and political fronts… In economic growth, it has registered more than 10% for the last ten years… Ethiopia is on the rise…”
If Ethiopia is in a “renaissance and on the rise”, how is that she is the second poorest country on the planet? Why is it that Ethiopia has been unable to rejuvenate herself in her “renaissance” and rise up on the global poverty scale? Why is 82 % of rural population in Ethiopia “in severe poverty” in 2014? Why is it that nearly 60% of Ethiopia’s 90 plus million population struggling with an income below US$1.25 per day?  Why is it that over 60% of the Ethiopian population chronically or at least periodically food insecure?
The fact of the matter is that poverty, disease, illiteracy, corruption and human rights violations are the only things that are on the rise in Ethiopia. If there is a “renaissance” going on in Ethiopia, it is a renaissance of corruption, human rights deprivation and violation. Ethiopia has made backslides, not “strides in economic, social and political fronts.” But in the regime’s echo chamber of  “revolutionary democracy” and “developmental state”, (better known as Denial-istan), everything is hunky-dory. Anyone who says otherwise is wrong, misguided or ill-intentioned.
The Pollyannaish regime leaders in Ethiopia are very much like climate change deniers who refuse to accept irrefutable evidence of man-made global warming. The regime refuses to accept the fact that the vast majority of the people of Ethiopia live in abject poverty and that the regime itself is singularly responsible for the persistence of poverty in that country. But they would rather talk about an imaginary renaissance wonderland they have created!
The facts speak for themselves. In 2011, Global finacnial Integrity (GFI) reported, “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.”
The GFI report further documented that “Ethiopia, which has a per-capita GDP of just US$365,  lost US$11.7 billion to illicit financial outflows between 2000 and 2009. In 2009, illicit money leaving the economy totaled US$3.26 billion, which is double the amount in each of the two previous years… In 2008, Ethiopia received US$829 million  in official development assistance, but this was swamped by the massive illicit outflows.  The scope of Ethiopia’s capital flight is so severe that our conservative US$3.26 billion estimate greatly exceeds the  US$2 billion value of Ethiopia’s total exports in 2009.”
Why is Ethiopia the second poorest country in the world in 2014?
The principal reasons for the triumph of the evil of poverty in Ethiopia have a lot to do with the ineptitude, incompetence, ignorance, arrogance and corruption of the ruling regime and its late “chief architect” Meles Zenawi. Meles fancied himself as an economist among many other things. Steeped in his youth in the bush in the half-baked  political economy of Marxism, Meles tried to redeem and rhetorically reinvent himself as the “chief architect” of  “revolutionary democracy” and the “developmental state” in Ethiopia. However, neither Meles nor his witless acolytes have taken the opportunity to articulate the theory and practice of  revolutionary democracy or the developmental state. Instead, they have chosen to mount a babbling rhetorical attack on “neoliberalism” while stretching out cupped palms for alms to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In a “scholarly” article in a volume edited by the old anti-neoliberal war horse Joe Stiglitz, Meles proclaimed, “The neo-liberal paradigm is a dead end incapable of bringing about the African renaissance, and that a fundamental shift in paradigm is required to effect a revival.”
Meles “shift in paradigm” was a fanciful “Growth and Transformation Plan”, not unlike the centralized five-year economic plans of the now forgotten Soviet Union. As I have demonstrated on a number of previous occasions, Meles did not have a growth and transformation plan; he had delusional plans of economic growth and transformation.
In my commentary “The Fakeonomics of Meles Zenawi”, I demonstrated that Meles’ “growth and transformation plan” is nothing more than a make-a-wish list of stuff. It purports to be based on a ‘long-term vision’ of making Ethiopia ‘a country where democratic rule, good-governance and social justice reigns.’ It aims to ‘build an economy which has a modern and productive agricultural sector with enhanced technology and an industrial sector’ and ‘increase per capita income of citizens so that it reaches at the level of those in middle-income countries.’ It boasts of ‘pillar strategies’ to ‘sustain faster and equitable economic growth’, ‘maintain agriculture as a major source of economic growth,’ ‘create favorable conditions for the industry to play key role in the economy,’ ‘expand infrastructure and social development,’ ‘build capacity and deepen good governance’ and ‘promote women and youth empowerment and equitable benefit.’
Stripped of its collection of hollow economic slogans, clichés, buzzwords and catchphrases, Meles’ growth and  transformation plan is plain sham-o-nomics.
In my commentary, “The Voodoo Economics  of Meles Zenawi”, I demonstrated that Meles has been making hyperbolic claims of economic growth in Ethiopia based on purely fabricated economic statistics. For a number of years, Meles and his regime have been pulling a public relationssleight-of-hand by using the IMF as a front to channel bogus economic statistics to prove their economic prowess and unrivalled success to the world.
I am certainly not the first one to expose the economic and political ineptitude, incompetence and corruption of the ruling regime in Ethiopia. In its November 7, 2006 editorial, the Economist Magazine described “the Ethiopian government as one of the most economically illiterate in the modern world.”
On November 3, 2007, the Economist magazine reported, “The fact is that for all the aid money and Chinese loans coming in, Ethiopia’s economy is neither growing fast enough nor producing enough jobs. The number of jobs created by flowers is insignificant beside an increase in population of about 2m a year, one of the fastest rates in Africa…. The government claims that the economyhas been growing at an impressive 10% a year since 2003-04, but the real figure is probably more like 5-6%, which is little more than the average for sub-Saharan Africa. And even that modestly improved rate, with a small building boom in Addis Ababa, for instance, has led to the overheating of the economy, with inflation moving up to 19% earlier this year before the government took remedial action. The reasons for this economic crawl are not hard to findBeyond the government-directed state, funded substantially by foreign aid, there is–almost uniquely in Africa–virtually no private-sector business at all.” In 2009 at a high level meeting of Western donor policy makers in Berlin, a German diplomat suggested that Ethiopia’s economic woes could be traced to “Meles’ poor understanding of economics”.
Crony capitalism as the root cause of poverty in Ethiopia
The root cause of poverty in Ethiopia is not “neoliberalism”. It is “crony capitalism”, the “capitalism” of the “chief architect” of “revolutionary democracy” and the “developmental state” in Ethiopia. Crony capitalism is a system in which economic activity and success depends almost entirely on political connections. Stated simply, one must be an insider (a crony) with political and ethnic connections to get the lion’s share of economic benefits and avoid punitve consequences. In the argot of economists, such economic activity is sometimes described as “rent seeking” in which  “individuals or groups lobby government for taxing, spending and regulatory policies that confer financial benefits or other special advantages upon them at the expense of the taxpayers or of consumers or of other groups or individuals with which the beneficiaries may be in economic competition.”
Meles’ crony capitalism is a mutual support system where cronies support Meles and his party the TPLF (and handmaiden EPDRF) in exchange for a variety of  benefits and favors ranging from the creation of a favorable regulatory environment to direct subsidies and public procurement contracts. Insiders gain at the expense of outsiders, and therefore  everyone wants to become a crony for the money. Even entrepreneurial individuals are situationally compelled to submit to the predatory crony system just to survive.
In Meles’ crony capitalism, the “government” has total control of the economy and its cronies maintain a total chokehold on all productive sectors. The Meles regime maintains a stranglehold on the economy through regulation, taxation, public expenditures and subsidies of economic activities. They have the unbridled power to benefit their cronies and fatally cripple their enemies, or at least deal significant setbacks to those who are not willing to pay to play. As a result, economic activity, entrepreneurial viability and business success depends almost entirely on the whims and fancies of those who control the levers of political power.  Such is the incestuous process of “wealth creation” and “double-digit economic growth”  in Ethiopia’s crony capitalism.
Very few have been able to succeed as independent entrepreneurs in Meles’ crony capitalism. Those who succeed are eventually swallowed by Meles’ crocodilian cronies. Economic success in large measure depends on the level of political activity and support of the regime. If independent entrepreneurs want to survive, they must participate in crony capitalism even though they may prefer to avoid it. The Meles regime has used its regulatory power, taxing authority, and expenditures on transfers and subsidies, to favor its cronies and debilitate those who are not willing to pay to play. This has caused a run among entrepreneurs of all kinds to seek favorable “government” treatment and protect themselves from regulations, expenditures and consequences that will put them at a competitive disadvantage.
The evidence on the Meles’ regime’s crony capitalism is uncontested and manifest. Human rights groups, analysts and commentators have been reporting for years that the Meles regime frequently denies the benefits of foreign aid programs including food, fertilizers, training, etc., to known opposition supporters. I have commented on the subject in a number of my weekly commentaries. According to the World Bank, roughly half of the Ethiopian national economy is accounted for by companies held by a regime-affiliated business group called the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT).  EFFORT’s freight transport, construction, pharmaceutical, and cement firms receive lucrative foreign aid contracts and highly favorable terms on loans from government banks. An exhaustive 2011 study by Sarah Vaughan and  Mesfin Gebremichael entitled,  “Rethinking business and politics in Ethiopia The role of EFFORT, the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray” provides ample data and analysis on the incestuous relationship between the regime and that organization.
The World Bank’s massive 2012 study entitled, “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia” and my own serialized commentaries on the findings of that study demonstrate the manner in which crony capitalism has triumphed in Ethiopia. (Those commentaries are available on my open salon blogsite Al Mariam’s Commentaries.) Crony capitalism in Ethiopia is perhaps most palpable and visible in the mining sector. The World Bank study showed the inner working of Meles’ crony capitalism:
A mining company could be required to pay a large premium in return for a mining license. Senior officials and the mining company could keep this premium secret, and the officials could receive payment in offshore bank accounts.
An official may require the mining company to make a large donation to a charity if it wants the license to be issued more quickly. Although the charity may appear to be genuine, it may in fact be a front for a political party or for the official’s personal or family gain.
Officials collude with mining companies to grant subcontracts to relatives. The licensing authority could, as a condition of the license award or social development plan, require the mining company to undertake a large amount of additional infrastructure works at the mining company’s own cost.
A mining company may submit an environmental management plan for a mining license that will inadequately control the leaching of poisonous chemicals into the water supply. Proper controls would [be costly]. The mining company may pay the official responsible for approving the license a bribe to approve the deficient conditions.
Officials may demand a share in the profits of a mining company. A mining company may agree to give an official’s relative a free share in the profits of the mining project if it receives a license on beneficial terms.
Officials grant licenses to companies secretly owned by them.
Officials secretly acquire land that is subject to a license application.
An official who is aware that mining may take place on an area of land may lease the land in advance of the mine licensing. Once the license is granted, the value of the land may materially increase. The official thereby profits from his or her inside knowledge by selling or licensing his or her rights to the land to the mining company.
Officials manipulate license registration.
An official in the department that issues mining licenses may hear that a mining company wishes to apply for a license. The official may alert a businessperson with whom he or she has connections, and the businessperson may quickly apply for a license over the same area. The official grants the license to the businessperson. The mining company then has to purchase the license from the businessperson, and the businessperson shares the profit with the official.
A prospector may discover minerals, mark the area, and contact the relevant licensing authority to receive a discovery certificate. A corrupt official may not register the discovery in that person’s name but instead notify a business colleague and register the discovery in the colleague’s name. The corrupt official may then falsely inform the discoverer that someone else had previously discovered the minerals.
Contractors and suppliers may engage in fraudulent transactions in  tendering, submitting claims, and concealing or approval of defective works.
Mining companies may commit fraud by making false declarations about the identity and quality of minerals or by bribing certifiers to approve false declarations.
When will Ethiopia rise from its ignoble position as a second poorest nation on the planet?
As long as political connections are more important than entrepreneurial ability and drive, Ethiopia shall remain the second poorest country on the planet.
As long as a few elites at the very top are favored in the legal system and given first class citizenship simply because of their ethnicity and allowed to prosper by sapping the productivity of the most dynamic sectors of the society, Ethiopia will remain the second poorest country on the planet.
As long as individuals and groups gain more wealth through political connections than through productive activity, Ethiopia will remain the second poorest country on the planet.
As long as a predator  “government” preys on a disempowered population and saps the entrepreneurial drive of its young and restless, Ethiopia shall remain the second poorest country on the planet.
As long as personal and political connections to the powers that be trump the rule of law, Ethiopia shall remain at the tail end of nations.
Poverty is root of all evil in Ethiopia. But who (what) is at the root of poverty in Ethiopia?
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
http://ethioforum.org/amharic/category/%E1%8A%A0%E1%88%8D-%E1%88%9B%E1%88%AD%E1%8B%AB%E1%88%9D/
Source: addisvoice

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እስከመቼ ባለንበት እንረግጣለን?
eskemechie


ራሱን “የትግሬዎች ነፃ አውጪ ግንባር” ብሎ የሰየመው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት (ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት)፤ ሀገራችንን ዕለት ከዕለት ወደ ባሰ አዘቅት እንድትገባ እየጎተታት ነው። የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናውና የአስተዳደር መመሪያው የሀገራችንን ሕልውና በንጥልጥል ላይ እንዲቀመጥ ሌት ከቀን እየጣረ ነው። በአንፃሩ ደግሞ ለኢትዮጵያዊያንና ለኢትዮጵያ በመቆም፤ በተለያዩ ድርጅቶች ከፍተኛውን መስዋዕትነት በመክፈል፤ ከዚህ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር እየተዋደቁ ያሉ ታጋዮች አሉ። ይህ በዚህ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥትና በኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ መካከል እየተደረገ ያለው ግብግብ፤ ለረጅም ዘመን እንዳለ ሆኖ፤ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊው መንግሥት የፈለገውን እያደረገ ያለበትና፤ በታጋዩ ወገን ያለው ክፍል ደግሞ ላለፉት ፳ ፫ ዓመታት ባለበት የሚረግጥበት ሁኔታ አልተለወጠም። ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ ይህ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የሚጠናወተው ክፍል እየበዛ፤ በአሁኑ ሰዓት ሀገሪቱ ይኼው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ሊቆጣጠረው በማይችልበት ቀውስ ውስጥ ልትገባ አዝምማለች። ከዚህ እንድታቀና ሁላችን እንፈልጋለን። ይኼን ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ማስወገድ ሁላችን እንፈልጋለን። እስካሁን የደከምንባቸው መንገዶች ውጤታቸው አመርቂ ስላልሆነ፤ አዲስ መንገድ መቀየስ አለብን። የሀገራችን ችግርና መከራ፣ በምኞት አይቀረፍም። ይህ በትግላችን የሚከናወን ነው። ይኼን ለማሳካት እንዴት እንደምንበቃ ምርጫ የሌለው አንድ መንገድ አለን። ሁላችን እናውቀዋለን፤ ኢትዮጵያዊያን በአንድነት ተነስተው ሀገራችን እያሉ እንደሆነ ሁሉ፤ እኛም በያለንበት ለኢትዮጵያዊያን ከጎናቸው ቆመን፤ ሀገራችንን አስቀድመን፣ በአንድ ተሰልፈን መነሳት ነው። የዚህ መንገድ ጠቃሚነቱ፤ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊውን መንግሥት ማስወገዱ ላይ ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ ቀጥሎ ለምትመሠረተው ዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያ አስተማማኝ መሆኑ ነው። በዚህ ሂደት ሁሉም ድርጅቶች ባለቤቶች ናቸው። በዚህ ሂደት እያንዳንዷ ኢትዮጵያዊት ባለቤት ናት። በዚህ ሂደት እያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ባለቤት ነው። ትኩረቱ፤ በሚሰቃየው ወገናችን፣ የጋራችን በሆነችው ሀገራችን፣ እና በጠላታችን ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊው መንግሥት ላይ ነው። ይህ የጋራችን ፈተና ነው። ማናችንም ከዚህ ውጭ አይደለንም። ከሀገር መለስ ብዙ የምንለያይባቸው ጉዳዮች አሉ። ነገር ግን ክብደታቸው ከሀገር ነፃነት ጋር ሲነፃፀር፤ ሁለተኛ ደረጃን የያዘ ስለሆነ፤ ቅድሚያን ለሀገር እንድርግ። በመካከላችን ያለው ልዩነት የዴሞክራሲያዊ አሠራርን የሚጠይቅና በዚያው መንገድ የሚፈታ ነው። የዚህ ጽሑፍ ዓላማ፤ ከተለያየ ቦታና የተለያየ ተመክሮ ያለን ግለሰብ ኢትዮጵያዊያን፤ ከድርጅት አባል መሆን አለመሆን ይልቅ፤ የወገናችንን ብሶት ማስወገድና የሀገራችንን ሕልውና ማስጠበቅን በማስቀደም፤ በአንድነት በመቆም፤ የትግሉን ሂደትና መደረግ ያለበትን ተረድተን፤ በሀገራዊ ጥሪው ሁላችንም ኢትዮጵያዊያን እንድንሰባሰብ ነው። ይህ ብዙዎቻችንን ያሰባስባል። ይህ በአንድነት ለተግባር ያሰልፈናል። ይህ፤ የምናደርገው ጥረት ለሀገራችን መሆኑን ያረጋግጣል። ይህ በፍጥነትና በተጠናከረ ጉልበት ለወገናችን እንድንደርስ ያደርገናል።
ውድ አንባቢ፤
በሀገራችን ላለው የፖለቲካ ውጥንቅጥ፤ ላንዴና ለመቼውም መፍትሔ ለማስገኘት የመጨረሻው ደወል ተደውሏል። ሀገራችን ስላለችበት የፖለቲካ ሀቅ እርስዎም ሆነ እኔ ነጋሪ አያስፈልገንም። ኢትዮጵያዊያንን ለረጅም ዘመን አቆራኝቶ የያዘንን የኢትዮጵያዊነት ትስስር ለመበጣጠስ የተነሳን ድርጅት፤ በምንም መመዘኛ ብንለካው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊ ከመሆኑ ሌላ፤ ምንም ገላጭ ቃል አይገኝለትም። በመካከላችን ያለውን አንድነት ሰብሮ፤ እርስ በርሳችን በጥርጣሬ እንድንተያይ ያደረገን፤ ይኼው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ነው። ሀገራችንን እየገዛ ያለው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት፤ ሀገራችንን እየወሰዳት ያለበት አዘቅት፤ አደገኛና መመለሻ የሌለው ነው። ዴሞክራሲያዊነት፣ ፍትኅን አክባሪነት፣ ለሕዝብ ተቆርቋሪነት፣ ለድሃ ቋሚነት፣ ሀገር ወዳድነትና ለሕግ ተገዥነትን የወደደ፤ የትውልድ ቆጠራን ከውሉ አያስገባም። እኒህ፤ ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ ፍላጎት ባላቸው ግለሰብ ኢትዮጵያዊያን እጅ ያሉ ጥበቦች ናቸው። ከተለያዩ የሀገራችን ክፍሎች የተገኘን ወገኖች፤ በምን መንገድ ተለያይተን ልንተያይ ነው? ኢትዮጵያዊ ብለን በእኩልነት ካልተቀባበልን፤ መበታተኑ ማንን ነው የሚጠቅመው? የየተንገንጣዩ ልሂቃን ሥልጣን ይዘው የገነጣጠሉንን ወገናቸውን ለመግዛትና ኪሳቸውን ለማሳበጥ ከመሯሯጥ ውጪ፤ ለኛ ለተራ ግለሰቦች ምን ሊያስገኙልን ይችላሉ? ዴሞክራሲ ለየብቻ ስንሆን ብቻ ነው የሚሠራው ያለው ማነው? ትናንት በኤርትራ የደረሰውን ለምን እንረሳለን? አሁንም የተያዘው ጉዞ፤ ሀገሪቱ አንድነት አጥታ መገዛት የማትችልበት ሁኔታ እንዲፈጠርና፤ ስግብግብ የሥልጣን ጥመኞች ተጠቃሚ የሚሆኑበትን ሁኔታ ለመፍጠር ነው። በሀገራችን ያለውን የጨቋኝና የተጨቋኝ ጉዳይ “የብሔር ጥያቄ ዋነኛው የሀገራችን ቅራኔ ነው” ብሎ የተነሳው ይሄ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት፤ ይህ ቅኝቱ አሁን ሀገራችን እንደ አንድ ሀገር እንዳትቆምና ሕዝቧም እንደ ኢትዮጵያዊነቱ ሕልውናውን እንዲያጣ ቀን በመቁጠር ላይ ነው። ለሥልጣን መወጣጫና በሥልጣኑ መስንበቻ የቀመረው ጉዳይ፤ አድሮ በራሱ ላይ ተጠምጥሞ መታነቂያው ሆኗል። በየክልሉ ያሉ የተለያዩ ኢትዮጵያዊያን እንዲፈጠሩ ያሰላውና የየክልሉ ነዋሪዎች፤ ሌሎችን “መጤዎች” በማለት እንዲያባርሩ ያፋፋመው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት፤ ኢትዮጵያን ወደ ማጥፋቱ አምርቷል። በአንፃሩ ግን፤ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ከሰሜን እስከ ደቡብ፤ ከምሥራቅ እስከ ምዕራብ ሀገራችን አንድ ናት ብሎ ተነስተዋል።
በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሚካሄደው የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ፤ ከጀርባው ኢትዮጵያን ለማጥፋት በደንብ የተቀመረ እርምጃና አራማጅ አለው። ይህ በፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊው መንግሥት የሚተገበረው ጥፋት፤ ከጀርባው የውጭ ሀገር እጅ ያለበት ለመሆኑ ማናችንም ጥርጥር ሊኖረን አይችልም። በፖለቲካ ምንም ነገር ለብቻው የሚሄድ የለም። በምንም መንገድ የውጭ ሀገር መንግሥታት ለኢትዮጵያዊያን ጥቅምና ለዴሞክራሲ ይቆማሉ ብለን ማሰብ የለብንም። እነሱ የቆሙት ለሀገራቸው ጥቅምና ከኛ የሚያገኙትን ጥቅም ለማብዛት ነው። ከአሜሪካ አንስቶ እስከ ኤርትራ ድረስ፤ ለዴሞክራሲ ወይንም ጠንካራ ኢትዮጵያን ለመመሥረት የቆመ የለም። ባለቤቶችም ሆን ባለዕዳዎቹ፤ ታጋዮችም ሆን አሳልፎ ሠጪዎቹ፤ እኛው ነን። የኢትዮጵያን መንግሥታዊ ሥልጣን በውጭ መንግሥታት ፈቃድና ቡራኬ ለመቀበል የተዘጋጁ የድርጅቶች መሪዎች፤ ምን ያህል ሀገር ወዳድ ናቸው? የውጪ ሀገሮች አደግዳጊ የሆነ ቡድን በሀገራችን የሥልጣን ወንበር ከተቀመጠ፤ አሁንም ፖለቲካችን እንቧለሌ ዙሪያ ነው የሚሆነው፤ ወጣቶቻችንን ለጦርነት፣ የሀገራችንን ሀብት ለጥቂት ግለሰቦች፣ ድህነትና ረሃብን ለወገናችን ማውረስ ነው። የአክራሪዎች (ቴረሪስት) ተግባር የኢትዮጵያዊያን የፖለቲካ ችግር አይደለም። የአሜሪካ ችግር ነው። የኛ ችግር ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት በላያችን ላይ መጫኑ ነው።
የምንታገለው ለሚከተሉት የትግል ዕሴቶቻችን ነው፤
ሀ) የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ሉዓላዊነቱ ተከብሮ፤ ሕዝቡ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ባለቤትነቱ እንዲረጋገጥ፤
ለ) ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ አንድነቷ ተጠብቆ፤ ለሙ መሬቷና ዳር ድንበሯ ለኢትዮጵያዊያን እንዲሆን፤
ሐ) በሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ፤ በሕዝቡ የጸደቀ ሕግ-መንግሥት ኖሮ የሕግ የበላይነት እንዲሰፍን፤
መ) የእያንዳንዷ ኢትዮጵያዊትና የእያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጵያዊ የግለሰብ መብት በሕግ እንዲደነገግና በተግባር እንዲገለጥ፤
እነዚህ ናቸው የምንታገልላቸው። እኒህ ደግሞ በማንኛውም ታጋይ ደርጅት ዘንድ ተቀባይነት አላቸው። በተግባር ላይ እንዲውሉ ደግሞ እያንዳንዱ ግለሰብ ኢትዮጵያዊና ኢትዮጵያዊ ድርጅት የኔ ብሎ መነሳት አለበት። ሀገራችንን ከዚህ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ለማስለቀቅ በሚደረገው ትግል፤ በዚህ መለስተኛ በሆነው ሀገራዊ ጥሪ ለመሰባሰብ፤ የተለያዩ ድርጅቶች መኖራቸው ወይም አዳዲስ መፈጠራቸው አስፈላጊ አይደለም። ይልቁንስ የሚያስፈልገው ሁላችንም ወደ አንድ የምንመጣበት መንገድ ነው። አሁን በታጋዮች ወገን ያለው ሀቅ አያኮራም። ከአንደኛው የፖለቲካ ዝማሜ እስከሌላው ጫፍ ድረስ ተዘርግቶ ያለው የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ስምሪት፤ የፖለቲካ ማኅደሩን ከማጨናነቅ ያለፈ፤ አመርቂ ውጤት አላሳየም። እናም ሊቀጥል አይገባውም። ከዚህ መውጣት አለብን። ለሥልጣን በመሰለፍ ላይ እግራቸውን የተከሉ ሁሉ፤ የኢትዮጵያን ዘለቄታ ጥቅም ስላላዘሉ፤ ውጤታማ ቢሆኑም፤ ለኢትዮጵያዊያ መልሶ እምቦጭ ነው።
ነገ እንድትመጣ የምንፈልገዋን ኢትዮጵያ፤ በአንድነት ልናረጋግጥበት የምንችለው በዚህ መንገድ ነው። ከሺ ዘጠኝ መቶ ሃምሳ ሶስቱ የመፈንቅለ መንግሥት ሙከራና ከሺ ዘጠኝ መቶ ስድሳዎቹ የተማሪዎች እንቅስቃሴ ጀምሮ እስካሁን ድረስ ያለው ትግል፤ ይኼንኑ የዴሞክራሲ ጥያቄ ነው አንግቦ የዘመተው። ሕዝባዊ ያልሆነ ሥልጣን ያባልጋል። በቀላሉ አይለቀቅም። መንገዱን ሁሉ በማጥበብ ዘለቄታን ይሻል። እናም አምባገነን ነው። መንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያምን ማጥናቱ የበለጠ ያረጋግጣል። ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን ያየ ሌላ አይሻም። መለስ ዜናዊን ያየ ሌላ መረጃ አይጠይቅም። የሀገራችን ምጣኔ ሀብት ሥምሪት ዘግናኝ ነው። ጥቂቶች ከመጠን በላይ ባለሀብቶችና፤ እጅግ በጣም ብዙዎች መንገድ አዳሪዎች ያሉበት ሀቅ ነው። ሥራ ፈላጊው ቁጥሩ እየጨመረ ነው።
ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሚታገሉ ወገኖቻችን ስንመለከት፤ በየጊዜው በሚለዋወጥ ሕግ እጅና እግራቸው ተፈጥርቆ፤ ይኼን ካደረጋችሁ እንዲህ ትደረጋላችሁ እየተባሉ፤ ከፍተኛውን መስዋዕትነት በመክፈል ይገኛሉ። ሆኖም ግን መሠሪ በሆነው የገዥው ቡድን ተንኮልና የስለላ ድር ተሸብበው እንቅስቃሴያቸው ውስን ሆኗል። ደስ የሚል የትብብር ጅማሬ እየታዬ ነው። ይበርታ እንበል። ሆኖም ግን፤ አሁንም አንድ የሆነ ማዕከል ኖሮ፤ ሁሉም በአንድነት የሚሰለፉበት መንገድ ካልተፈጠረ፤ ከሚገኘው ድል ይልቅ መስዋዕትነቱ እየበለጠ፤ የታጋዩን ቁጥር ለጊዜውም ቢሆን እንዳያሳሳው ያሰጋል። እናም የአንድነት ጥሪው አሁንም መጠንከር አለበት።
በውጭ ሀገር ያለን ኢትዮጵያዊያን ለረጅም ጊዜ በያለንበት ስንታገል ብዙ ዓመታት አሳልፈናል። በአንድነት ሕብረትን ፈጥረን፤ አንድ ሀገር፤ አንድ ራዕይ፤ አንድ ትግል ብለን ካልተነሳን፤ አሁንም ዓመታትን ከመቁጠር ሌላ የረባ ልንሠራ አንችልም። ትግል ሥነ ሥርዓት አለው። ትግል መስዋዕትነት አለው። ትግል ታታሪነትን ይጠይቃል። ትግል ቀጣይነትን ይጠይቃል። ሲያመቸንና ደስ ሲለን የምንቀላቀለው፤ ደስ ያላለን ጊዜ ደግሞ ንቀን የምንተወው ከሆነ፤ የትም አይደርስም። ቆራጥነትን፣ ታታሪነትን፣ አልቸነፍም ባይነትን ይዘን ነው ወደፊት መሄድ የሚገባን። ለዚህ ደግሞ አሰባሳቢና አነሳሽ ራዕይ ያስፈልጋል። ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት በሀገራችን ቆሞ፣ ሕዝቡ ከዕለት ወደ ዕለት ኑሮው እያሽቆለቆለ፣ ጥቂቶች ሀብታቸውን ሽቅብ አጉነው ባለንበት ሀቅ፤ ሀገርን ከዚህ ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ነፃ ለማውጣት ከታጋዩ ሕዝብ ጎን አብረን መሰለፉ ይገባናል።
አሁን ምን እየሠራን ነው? እያንዳንዳችን መጠየቅ ያለብን ራሳችንን ነው። ዛሬ፣ ትናንት፣ የዛሬ ሳምንት፣ ያለፈው ወር፣ ባለፈው ዓመት፣ ባለፈው አምስት ዓመት ምን ሠራን ብለን ራሳችንን እንጠይቅ? ከዚህ ተነስተን ሌሎች የሚያደርጉትን መገመትና መገምገም እንችላለን። ታዲያ ወገናችንን ማፍቀራችንን እና ሀገራችንን መውደዳችን የት ላይ ነው? እኛስ ካልታገልን ማን ታግሎ ነፃ እንዲያወጣን እንጠብቃለን? በውጭ ያለን ኢትዮጵያዊያን የተለያዩ መድረኮች አሉን። ሃሳቦቻችንን ልንለዋወጥባቸው የሚያስችሉን፤ ድረገፆች፤ የመወያያ ክፍሎች፣ ሬዲዮ ጣቢያዎች፣ ፌስቡክ፣ ትዊተር፣ እና ሌሎችም አሉን። እኒህን በመጠቀም አንድነትን እያራመድን፤ ትግሉን ማጠናከር እንችላለን። ይህ ፍላጎቴ አይሠራም ወይንም ትክክል አይደለም የምትሉ ካላችሁ፤ የናንተን የሚሠራ አቅርቡና ልከተላችሁ። ዋናው ነገር ተግባራዊ ሆነን መገኘታችን ነው።
አዲሲቷን ዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያ ለማቋቋም ያለው መንገድ፤ በአንድነት ሁላችን ተሰባስበን የምንመሠርተውና የምንቆምለት ድርጅት እየመራን፤ ይኼን ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ከሥሩ ስንመነግለው ነው። ጊዜ ባለፈው የአፄው ዘመነ መንግሥት የታጋዮች ጥያቄ፤ የዴሞክራሲ ጥያቄ ነበር። ለዚህም ከፍተኛውን መስዋዕትነት በመክፈል ትግሉን ወደፊት ገፍተውታል። በሰው በላው የመንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያም አምባገነን መንግሥት ዘመን የታጋዮች ጥያቄ የዴሞክራሲ ጥያቄ ነበር። ያንን አረመኔ መንግሥት በማፋጠጥ፤ ከፍተኛ መስዋዕትነትን ከትንሹ እስከ ትልቁ ከፍለው ትግሉን ወደፊት ገፍተውታል። በፋሽስቱ ጣሊያን ወራሪ መንግሥት የታጋዮች ጥያቄ የሀገራችን ነፃነት ነበር። ለሀገር ነፃነት በአንድነት ሁሉም ሀገሬ ብሎ ተነስቶ፤ ለጦርነት ተጉዘው ያልተመለሱ አርበኞቻችን ሀገራችንን ለኛ አትርፈውልናል። በሀገራችን አሁን ያለው መንግሥት የዴሞክራሲ ጥያቄዎችን የምናቀርብለውት መንግሥት አይደለም። ሕግን የሚያከብር መንግሥት አይደለም። እኩልነትን የሚቀበል መንግሥት አይደለም። የሕዝብን ድምጽ የሚያከብር መንግሥት አይደለም። በኢትዮጵያዊነት እየገዛ አይደለም። ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ነው። እናም እንደፋሽስቱ የምንታገለው መንግሥት ነው። ለፀረ ኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ደግሞ መልሱ በአንድነት ሀገሬ ብሎ መነሳት ነው። በዚህ ሂደት፤ ብዙ የተለያዩ አጀንዳዎች ሊነሱ ይችላሉ። በቅድሚያ ግን ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊያን እና ኢትዮጵያዊ ድርጅቶች ወደ አንድ መምጣት አለባቸው። ጠላታችንን እንዴት እንደምናፈልሰው አንድነት ሊኖረን ይገባል። ከጠላታችን መፍለስ በኋላ መከተል ስላለበት የመንግሥት አመሠራረትና አካሂያድ አንድነት ሊኖረን ይገባል። ይህ ደግሞ ከፍ ባለ ትክክለኛ ተራማጅ ድርጅት መዋቀርና መመራትን ግድ ይላል። ሁሉም ከሀገር መለስ ያሉት ጉዳዮች ከሀገር መዳን በኋላ የሚነሱ ሁለተኛ ጉዳዮች ናቸው። በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ ከማንም ጋር ለመወያየትና አብሮ ለመነሳት ፈቃደኛ ነኝ። አብሬህ አለሁ በማለት እንድንወያይ የምትፈልጉ በ(eske.meche@yahoo.com ) ጻፉልኝ።
Source: goolgule

Sunday, June 29, 2014

Ethnic Federalism vs Nation of Individuality

Introduction
Ethnic FederalismThe Ethnic Federalism practiced in Ethiopia is non-consequential to Ethiopia’s past or present social or political evolutions. Considering the unending external attempts to control Ethiopia, logics guide us to the footprints of Ethiopia’s worst enemies who designed and prescribed Ethnic Federalism also known, rather negatively as ‘Kilil- Governance’ (…. ….) for the purposes of controlling the rich resources of the nation.
If we explore the deep sea of Ethiopian politics, we find the political animals as numerous as the sea contains. The concern is always about the smallfish, the oppressed Ethnic people that dictators rise on their behalf, but only to fulfill their own agenda, greatness. History has repeatedly shown that, and the case of present Ethiopia makes it evident.
No one would be able to answer the question unless armed with the arsenals of democratic principles, and contradictions. The pseudo democratic minds have tried in vain, and some scholars and experts have attempted to answer the question, but only to stretch the debates to no end. Little or no progress results through applications of quasi tenets of democratic concepts that some experts tend to treat the conditions of the traditional people a little differently.
This is one other spectacular opportunity for this author to argue no more with his friend, Wallelign Mekonnen, the father of the concept of “Nation and Nationalities”, but to deliver the final messages. The debates are over and done. Here is the final chapter on which all must rest. Understanding the deep and immense love that Wallelign had for his country and its people, the author believes this brief article represents the quest and answer sought. One of us was destined to carry the burden of delivering the message to those who unwittingly waited for so long, and what a remarkable and rare opportunity to pass the message.
The Debates
To debate political philosophies, and what is good and bad, there must be some basic principles that we should accept and agree to. If we agree, for instance to travel from Addis to Dessie, we can argue about the shortest and less difficult route. If we agree Ethiopia should continue as a nation, we can argue about the best economic and political system that suits the people. If we cannot agree on fundamental matters, each of us appeal to the people who would ultimately decide what is debatable and is not. All the ills of Ethnic Federalism exposed and its purposes known, we have reached the point to debate what is good for Ethiopian people. We can fairly debate whether constitutional monarch, capitalism, socialism, and communism, is suitable to Ethiopians.
Finally, we can presume that we have reached the higher level of the political debates, and the fundamental question now is whether Ethiopia should re-continue its existence as a nation, or let it go the route where ‘Nations & Nationalities’ leads it to. The idea that Ethiopia continues on the experimental project is a drastic proposition, and only the worst enemies of Ethiopia are its proponents. The foot soldier of this mission is TPLF, the mother of Ethnic Federalism. The roadblock to change Ethiopians’ historic destiny, is the document of the phony constitution, which reads, ‘We nations and nationalities’. Experts assert the existences of two groups: 1) those who wish to live in the model house for they see their aspirations fulfilled, and their future hopes secured, and 2) those who fear that re-establishing the country as a “Nation of Individuality” would mean returning to the old ‘Amara-Tigre legacy’.
People can be their own worst enemy, and Africa constantly gives birth to these kind of people. When self-destructions become evident, preventive actions are essential to safeguard the national interest. Three profoundly chaotic conditions presently exist in Ethiopia: 1) Dictators, unelected and not constitutionally empowered govern the nation. 2) The Administrative entities that represent a pseudo Federal system have no resemblance to any other government system on the planet, and 3) the half-capitalist and half-socialist practices are volcanic explosions in the making.


Furthermore, we may agree that the present political and economic systems are not definable by any economic and political principles. No Federal System does function properly as it should when dictators rule the country. We may agree that Ethiopia’s economic system is neither capitalism nor socialism. The fact that the rulers and followers accumulated staggering amounts of wealth through vast industries and franchises they own do not make the economic system capitalism. The rulers have imposed the socialistic system upon the people, only to burden and deprive them opportunity to advance, and better themselves or simply survive. That is hardly a socialistic system known to people around the world.
The people have plenty of opportunities appearing on the horizon. Their forceful positions will materialize. Mighty citizens will emerge, and the nation will give birth to outstanding brave and wise individuals. Ethiopians have certain qualities to rely on. They can also learn from the examples and experiences of other people, and take bold actions, and make history for that is their legacy. America had repeatedly crashed the internal enemies, be it groups or States that rose against the nation. The Federal Government will not hesitate to repeat the actions today, and it does it all the time to suppress the rise of rebellions.
A leader of a country who does not protect its sovereign territories, and defend its nationals has no business to be the leader, and he is in the true meaning of the word, treasonous. A leader, who dismantles the power of the people’s government established to protect the nationhood, has committed the vilest treason of all times. Nothing justifies the inaction of the Ethiopian people against its enemies, except only under insurmountable armed occupation.
Ethiopians can also learn about Ethiopia’s justified historic actions from the perspective of other nations the World admires. America purchased lands, and annexed them to create the great nation it is today. Parallel to this nation-building scheme is that of Emperor Menelik who secured some of Ethiopia’s ancient territories. During 1861 – 1865, America fought the bloodiest war and crashed the forces of the secessionists. During 1855
– 1869, Atse Tewodros crashed the small kingdoms and established the indivisible nation. If American people hold the Presidents who expanded the country as the fathers of America, Ethiopians ought to consider Atse Tewodros, Atse Yohannes, Atse Menelik, and Atse Haile Selassie as the fathers of Ethiopia. Ethiopians have also honor the little fathers of the country who helped, and assisted to build the nation without whose roles and contributions no emperor or king would have materialized.
Nations cannot evict citizens (nationals), cut off territories of the nation, and give away land and people to other nations. These are the laws of the jungles of TPLF applied to modern Ethiopia, where the Africa Union, and many other distinguished International organizations have permanent Head Quarters. Again, nothing justifies the inactions of the Ethiopia people, unless the people are under insurmountable armed control.
The Concept of Indivisible Nation
Eritrea, Gondar, and Wollo wanted Tigray out of Ethiopia because they did not want to deal with the people of that province socially, and economically. The people of Tigray strongly opposed the unjust demand of the three very important provinces. The people of Tigray proved that they are as Ethiopians as any of the three provinces, and decided to fight to the last drop of blood to ensuring and securing their historic place within Ethiopia. The rest of the country alarmed by the demand of the people of three provinces arose and sided with the people of Tigray, and ordered the Federal Government to secure and ensure the rights of Tigray people as an integral part of Ethiopia. Through the action of the national forces, the Indivisible Nation prevailed.
The Concept of Succession
A group of guerilla fighters started war to separate Eritrea from Ethiopia. Many generations of Eritrean-Ethiopians had sacrificed their lives to build the nation and maintain its independence. The small group wanted to undo the works of generations and change the long history. The Ethiopian people wanted and instructed the leader to use the nation’s forces to protect the Ethiopian nationals and its sovereign territory. However, the leader of TPLF did not have to, and disobeyed the people. The leader, known for his pervert and warped behavior instead blessed the independence of Eritrea to the amusements and horrid reactions of the leaders of nations and International communities. Tested again to what extent he would practice and display his cowardice nature, he repeated his betrayal act against the African nations. He amused the West who had known all along that he was no Ethiopian, and found him excessively coward, and embarrassingly too good for them.
If the leader of a small group of bandits can become the leader of a big nation, and rule the people he never knew, let alone serve, what prevents Ethiopians from taking actions to protect and defend its territories and nationals? If it were ok for Isayas to use military power to achieve his mission, should it be different for Ethiopia? Will the Ethiopian people ever fail to bring the coconspirators and abettors of its destruction to justice?
The “Amara-Tigre” legacy is a perpetual phobia. This insidious political phobia has inflicted the astute minds of political leaders, and misguided followers. In the quest for “Nation of Individuality”, the democratic principles do not allow group rights. Kilil Federalism promotes groups’ (Gossa) rights. Kilil Federalism is the exact opposite concocted notion of “Nation of Individuality”. The purported “Amara-Tigre” legacy is the thing of the past. However, generations of Ethiopians will celebrate the fathers of Ethiopian Nation, Tewodros, Yohannes, Menelik, and Haile Selassie as well other many other brave Ethiopians in every locality. True Federalism requires the reconstruction of Ethiopia into provinces like those of Canada, or if necessary curving new States out of the provinces in ways that promote social, economic, and political developments.
In conclusion, support to the present Ethnic Federal government of Ethiopia ought to be with the knowledge and understanding of the three consequential developments: 1) Dictatorship, 2) Kilil (Gossa) Federalism, and its constitution that starts with “We Nations & Nationalities”, instead of “We the people of Ethiopia”, and 3) TPLF’s capitalist stomach, and socialist mind. “Nation of Individuality” is democratic and quite a natural progression to Ethiopians’ social, economic and political developments. There is not alternative to the conditions of the Ethiopian people.
The rough and long journey, the quest for the model of ‘Nation & Nationalities’ that ensures equality and justice to every Ethiopian national is about to become a reality. The remaining road, if any is much shorter than the road you last travelled from Addis to Dessie. This document contains the final message to your beloved Ethiopians past, present and future generations, those who died dreaming and fighting for it, non in vain, those who are presently trying to make it a reality, and to those who will continue the legacy of Ethiopians, having established their supremacy over their vast domain.
Source: Ze-Habesha