The
state of emergency in Ethiopia is the last attempt by the Tigrayan-led regime
to stop the Oromo and Amhara protests and maintain political power.
Waves of protests have gripped Ethiopia since last November . In response the government has
declared a six-month state
of emergency . In an
interview with The Conversation Africa’s Samantha Spooner, Asafa Jalata
describes the impact of the state of emergency and what it could mean for the
future of the country.
Who are the main players
and what are the main grievances of the Ethiopian protest movement?
The Oromo protest movement emerged in November 2015. It has been
fomenting for decades because the Oromo consider themselves colonial
subjects . They are
the largest
ethnonational group in
Ethiopia and have been denied equal access to their country’s political,
economic and cultural resources.
For almost 25 years Tigrayan state elites have dominated
different structures of the government, including the military. They have also
had total control over other institutions such as the media. And they have confiscated
fertile land and other valuable
resources such as gold
and other minerals.
Over the last few months, the protests spread across the
country. Other ethnonational groups, which also feel politically and economically excluded
by the Tigrayan-led minority government, have also joined the movement.
The Amhara, the second largest ethnonational group, started to protest peacefully against the
Tigrayan-led minority government in August this year. They expressed their grievances and support for the
Oromo protests in the Amhara regional state. Other ethnonational groups, known
as the Konso,
Sidama, and Gedeo joined more recently.
The protests gained further traction as the state’s reaction
became violent. For example, in early October millions of Oromo gathered at
Hora Arsadii, south-east of Addis Ababa, for Irreechaa - the Oromo national holiday of
thanksgiving. The Tigrayan-led regime’s army killed more than 700 Oromos and injured hundreds. This
was sparked by peaceful, anti-government chants by
young Oromos.
After the massacre, Oromo protesters burned property and both locally and internationally
owned businesses that had been built on the land seized from the Oromo by
Tigrayan state and business elites.
The Ethiopian regime’s response was to declare the state of emergency. Set to last six months,
its aim is to curb the growing anti-government protest movement.
What impact has this state
of emergency had on the various communities in the country?
The current state of emergency is the last attempt by the
Tigrayan-led regime to stop the Oromo and Amhara protests and to stay in power.
The government is, therefore, using this situation to gain total control
over information, use heavy force and deny the freedom of organisation and
association.
As a result, the regions of Oromia, Amhara, Ogaden, Konso, and
Gedeo have become conflict zones with the regime indiscriminately
imprisoning, looting and killing protesters.
According to the state of emergency rules, Oromos, Amharas and Konsos
have restricted access to media. They are not allowed to listen to radio
stations, such as the Oromo Voice Radio, or to watch media channels, like the
Oromia Media Network. Ethiopian soldiers are enforcing these rules and have
been seizing or breaking satellite dishes.
The emergency rules also prevent citizens from associating with
political organisations that the regime has branded as “terrorist”. One of
these is the Oromo Liberation Front which was established in 1973 by Oromo
nationalists to promote self-determination.
The situation for the Oromo people is dire. For several months
the region has been under a crackdown enforced by special police groups and the army
known as “Agazi”. According to rights
organisations, more than 2 000 Oromos have been killed in eleven
months. Several thousand more have been imprisoned, tortured, blinded and
raped.
The rule of law no longer seems to apply to the Oromo and their
supporters. To hide its crimes from the international
community, the regime has blocked the internet and collected phones from
thousands of Oromos.
Until the regime is overthrown they will continue to suffer immensely. They are being excluded from state support in relation to protection,
food, shelter, clothing, medicine and other necessary services.
As a group is the Oromo
community concerned about their future?
Because the current regime fears the size of the Oromo
population, it tries to minimise their influence through
hidden policies and war. The regime has already prevented Oromo representatives from coming into
political power through systematic killings, imprisonment or exile. For these
reasons, the Oromo are very concerned about their future.
In addition, little looks set to change as a result of external
pressure because international powers such as the United States as well as organisations such as USAID have a close relationship with the
regime. This gives rise to concerns within the Oromo community that their
grievances will not be heard and that they will not be given support.
Nevertheless, the Oromo people are determined to change their
status quo and better their future. That is why they continue with their movement, despite massive
incidents of death and imprisonment.
What are the prospects for
the government and leaders of the protest movement meeting to resolve the
political issues between them?
Resolving the conflict requires the implementation of social
justice and democracy. But the Ethiopian regime has demonstrated that it will
dictate everything to the Oromo people and its leadership through the barrel of
the gun.
The Oromo are rejecting this heavy-handed approach. So, in this
conflict, there are two options – either the regime must go, and the Oromo be
victorious, or the Oromo people must be destroyed to serve the interest of the
regime.
Asafa
Jalata, Professor of Sociology and Global and Africana Studies, University of Tennessee
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
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