Friday, April 4, 2014

The Double Digit Growth Miracle in Ethiopia

The Double Digit Growth Miracle in 

Ethiopia

Dear Greg Toulmin
Country Program Coordinator for Ethiopia
World Bank
Greg Toulmin World bank acting Country Director for Ethiopia
Greg Toulmin
I heard a clip of a panel discussion you participated hosted by Woman’s National Club on April 1 in Washington D.C. The discussion was about strategic importance of Ethiopia in Africa. Your claim of an economic miracle under the current regime of Ethiopia compared to the previous regimes of Haile Selassie and Mengistu is nonsense to say the least.
The current regime has been showered with foreign aids yearly of 2 billion alone from USA and from other donors close to the same amount yearly. That is 1000 times of that Haile Selassie/Mengistu. The remittance is close to 3 billion yearly. Therefore comparing the current regime with the previous is inaccurate.
Capital estimated around 12 billion has left Ethiopia illegally in the last decade alone according to independent investigators. The 99 percent of Ethiopians are still living under one dollar a day. So much for the growth.
Food, water, sanitation, electricity, transportation and health for the majority is impossible to get. Addis Ababa residents are coming out this coming Sunday for the day of rage, “YeErita Ken” demanding the basics of life. The double digit miracle is going to be challenged in public.
Your defense of World Bank for its role in Ethiopia is understandable. The good thing is Ethiopia has many capable “Ambassadors” to challenge those like you who underestimate our people or take us as “stupid” as one of the panelists correctly put it.There is no miracle of growth in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Diaspora has grown one million times in the last two decades alone. Educated and uneducated are living legally or illegally because there is No Miracle of Growth to be part of. The Growth is Stupid !!!!
Sincerely,
Tedla Asfaw
http://ecadforum.com

ትንሽ ምላጭ አገር ትላጭ!

ትንሽ ምላጭ አገር ትላጭ!

መጠላለፍ ወደየትኛው ገደል እየመራን ነው?
fire1



የአዲስ አበባን መኪናዎች በተለይም በጫት የሚሽከረከሩት ታክሲዎችን በማንኛውም መስቀልኛ መንገድ ላይ ለአምስት ደቂቃ ቆሞ የተመለከተ ሰው በቀላሉ እንደሚረዳው “እኔ ካላለፍሁ ማንም አያልፍም!” በሚል መመሪያ መኪናዎቹ ተቆላልፈው እንዲቆሙ ማድረግ ነው፤ እንደሚመስለኝ የአባቶቻችንን ዕዳ እየከፈልን ነው፤ ዱሮ በደጉ ዘመን ሁለት ኢትዮጵያውያን መስቀልኛ መንገድ ላይ ሲገናኙ አንተ-እለፍ አንተ-እለፍ እየተባባሉ የሰማዕታቱንና የቅዱሳኑን ስም እየጠሩ ይገባበዙ ነበር! ይህ ባህል በጠንካራ የሥልጣኔ ላጲስ ተደምስሶ ጠፍቶ በምትኩ እኔ ካላለፍሁ ማንም አያልፍም መንገዱን ሁሉ መቆላለፍ አዲስ የመጠላለፍ ባህል እየተተከለ ነው፤ የመጠላለፍ ባህል የሚታየው በባቡር መንገዶች ላይ ብቻ አይደለም፤ በብዙ ነገር መጠላለፍ ባህል እየሆነ ነው! የዚህ ዝንባሌ መጨረሻው አሸናፊ የሌለበት ሙሉ ጥፋት ነው።
በመንገዶች ላይ ጥቂት በጫት የሚነዱ መኪናዎች በመቶ የሚቆጠሩ መኪናዎች እንዳይንቀሳቀሱ ለማድረግ ይችላሉ፤ ሲያደርጉም በየቀኑ እየታየ ነው፤ በማኅበረሰባዊና በፖሊቲካ ግንኙነትም አንድ ሰው የሚዘራው መርዝ የጊዜው ሁኔታ በሚፈቅድለት ፍጥነት የማኅበረሰቡን አባላት ያዳርሳል፤ እንቆቅልሹ እንደሚለው ትንሽ ምላጭ አገር ትላጭ! ማለት መርዝ፣ እሳት፣ ተላላፊ በሽታ በሕዝቡ ላይ ማሰራጨት ከአምስትና ከአሥር ዓመታት በኋላ ውጤቱ ምን እንደሚሆን መገመት አያቅትም።
ድብብቆሽ አይጠቅምም፤ሁለት ነገሮችን በግልጽ ማውጣት አለብን፤አንደኛ በአሜሪካና በአውሮፓ መሽጎ ፍርሃቱንና ሽቁጥቁጥነቱን ለመሸሸግ መርዙን በኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ የሚረጨው ለምንድን ነው? አገዛዙ ይህንን የሚያደርግበት ምክንያት ግልጽ ነው፤ ከፋፍሎ የመግዛት ዘዴ ነው፤ ከአገዛዙ ጋር በሚደረግ ትግል ከታች ሆነው ከሥልጣን ውጭ የሆኑ ዜጎች በሥልጣን ላይ ከተቀመጡት ጋር እየተቆራቆዙና እየተጋጩ ናቸው፤ ይህንን እኔ የላይና-የታች ግጭት (vertical conflict) የምለው ነው፤ ከወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግ ጋር የሚደረገው ትግል ይህ ነው፤ ይህንን ለማክሸፍ ወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግ ትግሉን ከላይና-ታች አውጥቶ ወደጎን-ለጎን ግጭት (horizontal conflict) ሊለውጠው ይፈልጋል፤ ከወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግም ውጭ በጎሠኛነትና በሃይማኖት አክራሪነት የደነዘዙ ሰዎችም ትግሉን ጎን-ለጎን ሊያደርጉት እየሞከሩ ናቸው።
የፖሊቲካ ትግልን የሚመሩ ሰዎች በጎሠኛነትና በሃይማኖት አክራሪነት ስሜት እየተሳቡ ትግሉን የላይና-የታችነቱን ጠብቀው በተደራቢነት የጎን-ለጎን ትግሉን ይጨምሩበታል፤ ይህ ሲሆን ሀሳብ፣ ጉልበትና ሀብት ይከፋፈላል፤ ይበታተናል፤ ወደዓላማ ለመድረስም ያስቸግራል፤ ወያኔ ወደመጨረሻው ላይ ኢሕአዴግ ብሎ የሰየመውን ቀፎ አስቲፈጥር ድረስ በስሙ ውስጥ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያነሣ ነገር አልነበረውም፤ ወያኔን ለድል ያበቃው የማታለያ ስሙ እንደሆነ በበኩሌ አልጠራጠርም፤ ከሃያ ሁለት ዓመታት የጎሣ ሥርዓት በኋላ ኢትዮጵያ ቆስላለች እንጂ አልሞተችም፤ የአሐዝ ማስረጃ ለማቅረብ ባልችልም በብዙ ጎሣዎች መሀከል ጋብቻ እንደዱሮው እየቀጠለ ነው፤ ይህንን የቆየ የዝምድና ሰንሰለት ለመበጠስ የሚጥሩም አሉ።
ኒው ዮርክ ተቀምጦ ትኩስ ውሻ (ሆት ዶግ!) እየበላ ለእስላም ኦሮሞዎች የመገዳደያ መመሪያ የሚሰጥ ሰው የመንፈስ ጤንነቱን እጠራጠራለሁ፤ ይህንን የኒው ዮርክ ቀረርቶ ተከትሎ ሌላ የመጠላለፍ አዋጅ ሰማን፤ ቴዎድሮስ ካሣሁን ለአጼ ምኒልክ ስለዘፈነ ከበዴሌ ቢራ ፋብሪካ ጋር ለማስታወቂያ የገባው ውል ሥራ ላይ ከዋለ የበዴሌን ቢራ አንጠጣም ተባለና ማስታወቂያው ተሰረዘ ይመስለኛል፤ ማን እንዳሸነፈ ወደፊት ጊዜ ይነግረናል፤ አሁን ደግሞ ሌላ ማዘዣ ሰማሁ፤ “የስ” በሚለው ውሀ ጠርሙስ ላይ እንስራ የተሸከመችው ኮረዳ መስቀል አድርጋ ነበር፤ ልጅቱ ከነመስቀልዋ የምትታይበትን ውሀ እስላሞች አንገዛም ስላሉ ነጋዴዎቹ መስቀሉን አወለቁባት! ይህንን ማዘዣ ላወጣው አክራሪ እስላም ወረባቦ ቅዳሜ ገበያ ሄዶ እንዲጎበኝ አሳስበዋለሁ፤ ዛሬ ተለውጦ እንደሆነ አላውቅም እንጂ እኔ ብዙ ጊዜ ተመላልሼ እንዳየሁት የወረባቦ ኮረዶች ሁሉ ትልልቅ መስቀል በአንገታቸው ላይ ይታይ ነበር፤ መስቀል የእምነት መግለጫ ይሆናል፤ አያጠራጥርም፤ ግን መስቀል ጌጥም ይሆናል! መስቀል የናዚ ምልክትም ሆኖ ነበር! ለማናቸውም የዚህ ዓይነቱን መጠላለፊያ ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ የሚገምዱ ሰዎች ዓላማቸው ማንንም ለመጥቀም ሳይሆን ፍቅርንና ሰላምን ለማደፍረስ ነው፤ የኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ መሠረታዊ ትምህርት ክፉን በክፉ አትመልሱ ነውና ለተበጠሰው መስቀል አጸፋውን ለመመለስ ማሰብ አይገባም።
ከኒው ዮርክ የተሰማው ቀረርቶም ሆነ የመስቀል ማስወለቁ ጉዳይ የተከሰተበትን ጊዜ ልብ ልንለው ይገባል፤ እስላሞች ስለነጻነት የሚያደርጉት ንቅናቄ በጣም እየጋለ በመሄድ ላይ እያለ ክርስቲያኖችም የዜግነት ግዳጃቸው አድርገውት ድጋፋቸውን በሚሰጡበት ጊዜ ነበር፤ ይህ መሆኑ ጥርጣሬን ይጋብዛል፤ የገጠመውን የእስላሞችና የክርስቲያኖች ሰልፍ በማደፍረስ ወይም በመክፈል የሚጠቀም ማን ነው? የሚጎዳውስ ማን ነው? ሁሉም የትግል አጋፋሪዎች ለዚህ ጉዳይ የሚያስፈልገውን ክብደት ቢሰጡት ትግሉ በጎን-ለጎን እንዳይሄድና እንዳይዳከም ይረዳል፤ ከዚያም በላይ አክራሪነት የሚባለውና የሚያስከትለውም ሽብርተኛነት የሚመጣው እንዲህ እያለ ነው፤ እግዚአብሔር ከዚያ ያውጣን!
ፕ/ር መስፍን ወልደ ማርያም
መጋቢት 2006

Wednesday, April 2, 2014

Why Europeans should care about Ethiopia’s repression of journalists

Why Europeans should care about Ethiopia’s repression of journalists


Alison Bethal McKenzie. [International Press Institute. 2009].
Alison Bethal McKenzie. [International Press Institute. 2009].
With European elections looming and a host of crises here at home dominating the political debate, there is the risk that challenges abroad - including Ethiopia’s disturbing treatment of journalists - will be swept under the carpet. It is vitally important that the current Parliament and Commission not let that happen as their mandates wind down, writes Alison Bethel McKenzie.
Alison Bethel McKenzie is executive director of the International Press Institute in Vienna.
When nominations for the European Parliament’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought were announced last autumn, it was heartening to see that two imprisoned journalists in one of Africa’s most oppressed countries had made the list with the support of more than 40 lawmakers.
Although the award ultimately went to the Pakistani education activist Malala Yousafzai, the nomination of Ethiopian journalists Reeyot Alemu and Eskinder Nega marked important recognition of the appalling conditions that these brave people have faced since they were convicted on terrorism charges in 2011.
Yet today, there seems to be no end to the Ethiopian government’s assault on independent journalism. In February, an Addis Ababa court sentenced Somali journalist Mohamed Aweys Mudey to 27 years in prison for allegedly having information about a Somali al-Shabab terrorist cell operating inside Ethiopia. Several colleagues of Alemu and Nega are already serving sentences under anti-terror law.
Two Swedish journalists know all too well the consequences of being a journalist in Ethiopia, Africa’s second largest country and a leading recipient of EU aid. In December 2011, reporter Martin Schibbye and photographer Johan Persson were sentenced to 11 years in prison for “rendering support to terrorism” by interviewing people in the conflict-prone Ogaden region. Luckily for them, concerted international campaigns and diplomatic pressure helped win their freedom a year later.
The ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, has always maintained a tight grip on the news media since taking power in 1991. Yet it strengthened its hand in 2009 by adopting the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation that gives virtually unchecked powers to the authorities to arrest and prosecute those they deem fall under an overly broad definition of terrorism.
Under the law, a journalist who interviews and reports on a suspected terrorist could be accused of distributing anti-government information. Eskinder Nega was convicted for allegedly supporting an “Arab Spring” in Ethiopia by writing about those who were inspired by democratic movements in North Africa. Reeyot Alemu, a school teacher by profession who spent her free time writing for a newspaper, was convicted for publishing a photo bearing the Amharic word bäqa (enough!) - a slogan for opposition groups.
The EPRDF has tried to weaken civil society groups as well. The Proclamation to Provide for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies (CSP), also adopted in 2009, restricts the operations and financing of independent human rights and civil society organisations. Together, the anti-terror and CSP laws have a profound effect on the ability of watchdogs to monitor and critique government policies, as well as provide early warnings of troubles in this disaster-prone Horn of Africa nation.
The government has not shied from using the laws to bludgeon opposition figures and journalists. Dozens of journalists have fled the country, including Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash, two newspaper editors who were charged with plotting anti-government activities and sentenced in absentia. Wubset Taye, Yusuf Getachew and Solomon Kebede, the latter two who ran the Ye Muslimach Guday (Muslim Affairs) magazine that reported on Ethiopia’s large Islamic community, are serving sentences along with Alemu and Nega under the anti-terror law.
My colleagues and I at the International Press Institute (IPI) in Vienna and from the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) in Paris were barred from seeing these journalists at the Kaliti prison - a notoriously crowded detention facility that has housed many prisoners of conscience - when we visited Addis Ababa in early November. Colleagues and lawyers for the families told us that the state prison administration routinely deny visitors the right to see prisoners. In the case of Reeyot Alemu, who has been treated for breast cancer, this has restricted her access to outside medical help.
Why should Europeans care - and why should European leaders do more than propose prizes for Ethiopia’s terrified journalists, no matter how well meaning these honours?
Because Europe has a major investment in the wellbeing of Ethiopia and its people. The country is the fifth largest recipient of development aid from EU donors, amounting to a record 690 million euros in 2011 and 557 million euros in 2012, figures from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development show. Ethiopia is also one of the main recipients of EU humanitarian aid, with the European Commission alone providing 130 million euros over the past three years to help support millions of Ethiopians and refugees from regional conflict areas in need of basic food, water and health assistance.
It would be foolish to suggest that Ethiopia’s needy should be denied aid because of the notorious policies of their rulers. But that does not absolve the EU from using its influence to pressure the EPRDF élite, which has traditionally enjoyed a chummy relationship with western leaders.
The EU is committed through its three-year-old Agenda for Change development policy to foster democratic governance in Ethiopia and other aid recipients. The 2013 “Joint Co-operation Strategy” aimed at fostering a stable and democratic Ethiopia acknowledges that “fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of association and expression, face increasing restrictions”, but those who dole out money in Brussels and the 28 EU capitals have shown little outward sign of pressuring the prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, to reform laws that inhibit fundamental rights.
With European elections looming and a host of crises here at home dominating the political debate, there is the risk that challenges abroad - including Ethiopia’s disturbing treatment of journalists - will be swept under the carpet. It is vitally important that the current Parliament and Commission not let that happen as their mandates wind down.
Their successors, moreover, will need to insist that the EPRDF reform if it is to be a worthy partner of Europe. The EU should be prepared to get tough, through travel and economic sanctions on senior party officials if they fail to pardon the journalists and other prisoners of conscience - and begin the process of revamping their anti-terror and civil society laws to allow for legitimate dissent and independent news reporting.
European citizens who every year provide millions of euros in aid and support to Ethiopia deserve no less. So do the imprisoned journalists, and their many colleagues who live in fear of ending up like Reeyot Alemu and Eskinder Nega.
http://www.euractiv.com/

Why Europe should care about Ethiopia’s repression

Why Europe should care about Ethiopia’s repression


By Alison Bethel McKenzie (Eurlive)
With European elections looming and a host of crises here at home dominating the political debate, there is the risk that challenges abroad – including Ethiopia’s disturbing treatment of journalists – will be swept under the carpet. It is vitally important that the current Parliament and Commission not let that happen as their mandates wind down, writes Alison Bethel McKenzie.
When nominations for the European Parliament’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought were announced last autumn, it was heartening to see that two imprisoned journalists in one of Africa’s most oppressed countries had made the list with the support of more than 40 lawmakers.
Although the award ultimately went to the Pakistani education activist Malala Yousafzai, the nomination of Ethiopian journalists Reeyot Alemu and Eskinder Nega marked important recognition of the appalling conditions that these brave people have faced since they were convicted on terrorism charges in 2011.
Yet today, there seems to be no end to the Ethiopian government’s assault on independent journalism. In February, an Addis Ababa court sentenced Somali journalist Mohamed Aweys Mudey to 27 years in prison for allegedly having information about a Somali al-Shabab terrorist cell operating inside Ethiopia. Several colleagues of Alemu and Nega are already serving sentences under anti-terror law.
Two Swedish journalists know all too well the consequences of being a journalist in Ethiopia, Africa’s second largest country and a leading recipient of EU aid. In December 2011, reporter Martin Schibbye and photographer Johan Persson were sentenced to 11 years in prison for “rendering support to terrorism” by interviewing people in the conflict-prone Ogaden region. Luckily for them, concerted international campaigns and diplomatic pressure helped win their freedom a year later.
The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, has always maintained a tight grip on the news media since taking power in 1991. Yet it strengthened its hand in 2009 by adopting the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation that gives virtually unchecked powers to the authorities to arrest and prosecute those they deem fall under an overly broad definition of terrorism.
Under the law, a journalist who interviews and reports on a suspected terrorist could be accused of distributing anti-government information. Eskinder Nega was convicted for allegedly supporting an “Arab Spring” in Ethiopia by writing about those who were inspired by democratic movements in North Africa. Reeyot Alemu, a school teacher by profession who spent her free time writing for a newspaper, was convicted for publishing a photo bearing the Amharic word bäqa (enough!) – a slogan for opposition groups.
The EPRDF has tried to weaken civil society groups as well. The Proclamation to Provide for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies (CSP), also adopted in 2009, restricts the operations and financing of independent human rights and civil society organisations. Together, the anti-terror and CSP laws have a profound effect on the ability of watchdogs to monitor and critique government policies, as well as provide early warnings of troubles in this disaster-prone Horn of Africa nation.
The government has not shied from using the laws to bludgeon opposition figures and journalists. Dozens of journalists have fled the country, including Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash, two newspaper editors who were charged with plotting anti-government activities and sentenced in absentia. Wubset Taye, Yusuf Getachew and Solomon Kebede, the latter two who ran the Ye Muslimach Guday (Muslim Affairs) magazine that reported on Ethiopia’s large Islamic community, are serving sentences along with Alemu and Nega under the anti-terror law.
My colleagues and I at the International Press Institute (IPI) in Vienna and from the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) in Paris were barred from seeing these journalists at the Kaliti prison – a notoriously crowded detention facility that has housed many prisoners of conscience – when we visited Addis Ababa in early November. Colleagues and lawyers for the families told us that the state prison administration routinely deny visitors the right to see prisoners. In the case of Reeyot Alemu, who has been treated for breast cancer, this has restricted her access to outside medical help.
Why should Europeans care – and why should European leaders do more than propose prizes for Ethiopia’s terrified journalists, no matter how well meaning these honours?
Because Europe has a major investment in the wellbeing of Ethiopia and its people. The country is the fifth largest recipient of development aid from EU donors, amounting to a record 690 million euros in 2011 and 557 million euros in 2012, figures from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development show. Ethiopia is also one of the main recipients of EU humanitarian aid, with the European Commission alone providing 130 million euros over the past three years to help support millions of Ethiopians and refugees from regional conflict areas in need of basic food, water and health assistance.
It would be foolish to suggest that Ethiopia’s needy should be denied aid because of the notorious policies of their rulers. But that does not absolve the EU from using its influence to pressure the EPRDF élite, which has traditionally enjoyed a chummy relationship with western leaders.
The EU is committed through its three-year-old Agenda for Change development policy to foster democratic governance in Ethiopia and other aid recipients. The 2013 “Joint Co-operation Strategy” aimed at fostering a stable and democratic Ethiopia acknowledges that “fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of association and expression, face increasing restrictions”, but those who dole out money in Brussels and the 28 EU capitals have shown little outward sign of pressuring the prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, to reform laws that inhibit fundamental rights.
With European elections looming and a host of crises here at home dominating the political debate, there is the risk that challenges abroad – including Ethiopia’s disturbing treatment of journalists – will be swept under the carpet. It is vitally important that the current Parliament and Commission not let that happen as their mandates wind down.
Their successors, moreover, will need to insist that the EPRDF reform if it is to be a worthy partner of Europe. The EU should be prepared to get tough, through travel and economic sanctions on senior party officials if they fail to pardon the journalists and other prisoners of conscience – and begin the process of revamping their anti-terror and civil society laws to allow for legitimate dissent and independent news reporting.
European citizens who every year provide millions of euros in aid and support to Ethiopia deserve no less. So do the imprisoned journalists, and their many colleagues who live in fear of ending up like Reeyot Alemu and Eskinder Nega.
Source:http://addisvoice.com

ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ ሕዝብ ለማፋጀት የገነባውን “የመርዝ ብልቃጥ”

ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ ሕዝብ ለማፋጀት የገነባውን “የመርዝ ብልቃጥ”

ምርቃቱ የሩዋንዳው የዘር ማጥፋት ግጭት ከተጀመረበት 20ኛ ዓመት ጋር ገጥሟል
በአርሲ ዞን በሂቶሳ ወረዳ ከሃያ ሚልዮን ብር በላይ በሆነ ወጪ ያሰራውን  ''አኖሌ ሐውልት'' እና ሙዝዬም



ኢትዮጵያን እየመራ የሚገኘው ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ከቀን ወደ ቀን እርስ በርሱ እንዳይተማመን፣ እንዲነቃቀፍ፣ እንዲጠራጠር ከእዚህ ባለፈ ደግሞ ግጭት እንዲፈጠር እያደረገ 22 ዓመታትን ዘለቀ። ህዝቡ እለት ከእለት በገዢው መንግስት የሚወጠኑለትን የእርስ በርስ ማጋጫ ተንኮሎች እየተመለከተ ልቦናው በእጅጉ እየደማ ነው።
አንድ ወራሪ የውጭ ጠላት ሊሰራ የሚችለውን ያህል ህዝብን ከሕዝብ ጋር የማጋጨት ሥራ ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ በትክክል ሰርቶበታል። የሃገሪቱን ፌድራል አስተዳደር በየትኛውም ዓለም ያልታየ ቋንቋን መሰረት ያደረገ አስተዳደር ለኢትዮጵያ ደገሰላት። ፌድራላዊ አስተዳደር በዘመናዊው ዓለም አንዱ እና አማራጭ የአስተዳደር ዘይቤ ይሁን እንጂ በየትኛውም ሀገር መሰረት የሚያደርገው የመልክዓ ምድርን አቀማመጥ እና ታሪካዊ አሰፋፈርን ነው። እርግጥ ነው ጣልያን ሀገራችንን በወረረ ዘመን አሁን ወያኔ የሚጠቀምበትን የክልል አስተዳደር የመሰለ ቋንቋን መሰረት ያደረገ የአስተዳደር መዋቅር ዘርግቶ ነበር።
አንዳንዶች የአሁኑ ቋንቋን መሰረት ያደረገ አስተዳደር የብሔር ብሄረሰቦችን መብት ከማስከበር አንፃር የሚመስላቸው የዋሃን አይጠፉም። ግን ፈፅሞ አላማው ይህ ላለመሆኑ ብዙ ማስረጃ መጥቀስ ይቻላል።እርግጥ ነው የህዝብ ባህል ማለትም ቋንቋው፣ አለባበሱ፣ ታሪኩ ወዘተ ሊጠበቅለት እና ከለላ ማግኘት አለበት። ይህ ከለላ በማግኘት መብት  ስም ወንጀል ሲሰራ፣ ቁርሾ በባትሪ እየተፈለገ ሲራገብ እና ሕዝብን ከሕዝብ ለማጋጨት ሲውል ነው ወንጀሉ።
ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ ሕዝብ እርስ በርሱ በጎሳ ሲጋጭ መፍትሄ ለመፈለግ ከመነሳት ይልቅ ጉዳዩን ሲያባብስ እና ቤንዚን ስያርከፈክፍ ማየት ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ዕለት ከዕለት የሚመለከተው ድራማ ሆኗል። ለእዚህም ብዙ አብነቶችን መጥቀስ ይቻላል። ለእዚህ ፅሁፍ ግን ሁለት ምሳሌዎችን እንጥቀስ -
  1. በዩንቨርስቲዎች ውስጥ ወጣቶች ‘አንተ የእገሌ ነህ አንተ የእንቶኔ ነህ’ ተባብለው ፀብ ሲነሳ ጉዳዩ የመጪው ትውልድ እና የአሁኑ ትውልድ አደገኛ አቅጣጫ ነው ብሎ የችግሩን ስር ለመፍታት ከመጣር እና የጉዳዩን አስከፊነት  በመገናኛ ብዙሃን ከመግለፅ እና ከማስተማር ይልቅ ፖሊስ ይልቁን ከአንድኛው ወገን ቆሞ ሌላውን ሲያስር እና ሲቀጣ መመልከት ዘግናኝ ተግባር ነው።
  2. ሕዝብ ለዘመናት ከኖረበት የእርሻ ቦታ ”የእገሌ ዘር ነህ” ተብሎ በክልል መስተዳድሮች ጭምር ሲባረር ለጉዳዩ እንደ መንግስትነት ለመዳኘት ሳይሆን የሚሞከረው እንደ ቀድሞው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ መለስ አባባል ”ቀድመው ባልተወለዱበት ሀገር መስፈር የለባቸውም” እንደ አቶ አለምነህ የብአዴን ቢሮ ምክትል ኃላፊ ደግሞ ”የትዕቢት ልጋግ” ነው የሚሉ መልሶችን መስማት እራስ ያማል። መሪዎቻችን እንዲህ እያሉ ከጉርዳፈርዳ እስከ አሶሳ፣ ከአሶሳ እስከ ሐረር፣ ከሐረር እስከ ጅጅጋ፣ ከጅጅጋ እስከ ቦረና ጉጂ፣ ድረስ በብዙ አስር ሺህ የሚሆኑ ኢትዮጵያውያን በኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ የጎሳ ፖለቲካ ተሰደዱ፣ ተገደሉ። ይህ ሁሉ ሲሆን ግን መንግስት ጉዳዩን እንደ ትልቅ ችግር ሳይሆን እንደ አንድ የማስተዳደርያ ዘዴ እንደቆጠረው በ እርግጠኝነት መረዳት ይቻላል።
በያዝነው ሳምንት  በሃያ ሚልዮን ብር ወጪ የሚመረቀው የመርዝ ብልቃጥ 
በአርሲ ዞን በሂቶሳ ወረዳ ከሃያ ሚልዮን ብር በላይ በሆነ ወጪ ያሰራውን  ''አኖሌ ሐውልት'' እና ሙዝዬም
ኢህአዴግ በአርሲ ዞን በሂቶሳ ወረዳ ከሃያ ሚልዮን ብር በላይ በሆነ ወጪ ያሰራውን ”አኖሌ ሐውልት” እና ሙዝዬም
የእርስ በርስ ግጭቶች ከትውልድ ወደ ትውልድ እንዲሻገሩ የሚጥረው ኢህአዲግ/ ወያኔ ለእርስ በርስ ጦርነቶች እየመረጠ ሃውልት ሲሰራ ከርሞ በእዚህ ሳምንት ደግሞ ለየት ያለ የጥፋት ድግስ የሚሆን ከመቶ አመታት በፊት ለመፈፀሙ ምንም አይነት የታሪክ ማስረጃ የሌለው በዳግማዊ ምኒልክ ዘመን በአርሲ ዞን በሂቶሳ ወረዳ ተፈፅሟል ያለውን የታሪክ ምሁራን ያላረጋገጡትን የፈጠራ ታሪክ ከሃያ ሚልዮን ብር በላይ በሆነ ወጪ ያሰራውን  ”አኖሌ ሐውልት” እና ሙዝዬም  በእዚህ በያዝነው ሳምንት እንደሚመረቅ ኢቲቪ ዛሬ መጋቢት 22/2006 ዓም የዜና እወጃው ላይ አስታወቀ። የፈጠራው ታሪክ ከመቶ ዓመታት በፊት የአፄ ምኒልክ ሰራዊት የኦሮሞ ሴቶችን ጡት ቆርጦ ነበር እና ማስታወሻነቱ ለተቆረጡት ጡት እና እጅ ይሁን” ይላል የሃውልቱ የመሰራት ምክንያትን ኦህዴድ /ኢህአዲግ/ወያኔ ሲናገር። አሳዛኝ የደረስንበት የዝቅጠት ዘመን። በየትኛውም ሀገር ውስጥ በቀደሙ መሪዎች ያውም ከመቶ አመታት በላይ ለሆነው ታሪክ ቀርቶ የቅርቦቹም ቢሆን ለተሰሩ ተገቢ ያልሆኑ ድርጊቶች ለመጪው ትውልድ የሚያቆይ የእልቂት ድግስ ከፋች ሃውልት አይሰራም። የሚጠጣ ውሃ፣ የምበላው ምግብ ለሌለው ሕዝብከ 20 ሚልዮን ብር በላይ አውጥቶ መበተን ምን የሚሉት ፈልጥ ነው?
አንድ መንግስት ሕዝብ ከህዝብ ጋር አብሮ የሚኖርበትን ዘዴ ሲቀይስ ልዩነትን እያጎላ ሳይሆን አንድነትን እያሳየ እና እያጎላ ሕዝብ በፍቅር እና በስምምነት እንዲኖር ይጥራል እንጂ እንዴት ከአሁኑ ትውልድ አልፎ ለመጪው ትውልድ ቂም ለማውረስ ተግቶ ይሰራል? ይህ ተግባር ማንን ይጠቅማል? ለመሆኑ ያለፉ ነገስታት በወቅቱ በነበረው የቅጣት መንገዳቸው ሁሉ የቀጡትን የቅጣት አይነት እየዘረዘርን ሃውልት ብንሰራ የቱን ከየቱ እንመርጣለን?
የሃውልቱ ምርቃት እንደ ትልቅ የሀገር ልማት ዛሬ ኢቲቪ ቀድሞ ዛሬ ይናገረው እንጂ ወቅቱ የሩዋንዳው እልቂት የተጀመረበት 20ኛ አመት ጋር ገጥሟል። በሚያዝያ 7/1994 ዓም  እስከ ሐምሌ/1994 ዓም እ ኤ አቆጣጠር የቆየው በቱትሲዎች እና በሁቶዎች መካከል የተደረገው እልቂት ከአምስት መቶ ሺህ በላይ ሕዝብ ሕይወት ቀጥፏል። የሩዋንዳው እልቂት በአንድ ሌሊት ድንገት የደረሰ ጉዳይ አይደለም። በሂደት አልፎ አልፎ በተነሱ ቁርሾዎች ጥርቅም ሳብያ መሆኑን መዘንጋት አይገባም። የዛሬ የባለ ሃያ ሚልዮን ሃውልት ገንቢዎችም ሆኑ አስገንቢዎች መዘንጋት የሌለባቸው  በሰሩት ሥራ ሁሉ የሚጠየቁበት ቀን እንደሚመጣ መጠራጠር አይገባም። የመርዝ ብልቃጡም ይሰበራል የፍርድ ቀኑም ይቆረጣል።
(ምንጭ: ጌታቸው በቀለ ጉዳያችን)
Source:http://www.goolgule.com/

Tuesday, April 1, 2014

ኢቲቪ የአንድነት ፓርቲን ስም ማጥፋቱ በፍርድቤት ተረጋገጠ

ኢቲቪ የአንድነት ፓርቲን ስም ማጥፋቱ በፍርድቤት ተረጋገጠ

ኢቲቪ ተመጣጣኝ የማስተባበያ አየር ሰዓት ለአንድነት ፓርቲ እንዲሰጥ ታዟል
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የዘገየ ፍትህ እንደተሰጠ ባይቀጠርም በአንድነት ፓርቲ እና በኢትጵያ ቴሌቪዥን መካከል “አኬልዳማ ዘጋቢ ፊልምን አስመልክቶ ለነበረው 3 አመታትን ለፈጀ ክርክር ለአንድነት ፓርቲ ፈርዶ መቋጫ ሰጥቶታል በመሆኑም ኢ.ቲ.ቪ የአንድነት ፓርቲን ስም በማጥፋቱ ተመጣጣኝ የማስተባቤ አየር ሰዓት ለአንድነት እንዲሰጥ ፍርድቤቱ ትዕዛዝ ሰጥቷል፡፡
ችሎቱን የተከታተለው የአንድነት ፓርቲ የህዝብ ግንኙነት ኃላፊ ሀብታሙ አያሌው ለፍኖተ ነፃነት “ውሳኔ
የአንድነት ፓርቲ ክስ ኢ.ቲቪ የሰራው አኬልዳማ ዶክመንተሪ የፓርቲውን መልካም ስም እና ክብር ለማጥፋት ሆን ተብሎ የተፈጸመ ህገወጥ ድርጊት ነው የሚል ነበር፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱም በአንድነት ላይ በደል ተፈፅሟል ሲል ኢቲቪ ጥፋተኛ ነው ያስተባብል ሲል ወስኖበታል፡፡” በማለት አስረድቷል፡፡

Source: http://www.fnotenetsanet.com

How Ethiopia Spies on Its Diaspora Abroad

How Ethiopia Spies on Its Diaspora 

Abroad

April 1, 2014

European companies sell surveillance technologies to abusive foreign regimes.

The Wall Street Journal
Many Europeans are upset over revelations that the United States government spies on them. But European companies are selling surveillance tools and know-how to other governments, allowing them to spy abroad. Their customers include some of the world’s most abusive governments and at least one of them—Ethiopia—is targeting its diaspora population in Europe. The results extend beyond outrage over privacy violations: They put people in danger.
The global trade in this powerful “spyware” is virtually unregulated and that needs to change. Using digital technology to monitor the Ethiopian diaspora in Europe, the regime in Addis Ababa has brought its abuses right into Europe’s midst. The EU needs to regulate the sale of such technology, at least to governments with such questionable human-rights records.
Inside Ethiopia, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s government abuses mobile and Internet networks to monitor opposition groups and journalists, and to silence dissenting voices. Using Chinese-made telecom equipment, the Ethiopian security agencies have nearly unfettered access to civilians’ phone records and recorded calls. Taped calls have been played back to people being interrogated by security officials and used against them in trials under the government’s deeply flawed antiterrorism law.
For mobile or Internet users in Ethiopia, the violation of the right to privacy is not an abstract harm. One Ethiopian man, who asked only to be identified as “Jirata,” was once a member of a registered political party; he now struggles to survive as a refugee in Kenya.
“I was becoming well known and respected in my political party and one day security officials came and arrested me and showed me list of phone calls I had made,” Jirata recalled to me in a recent interview. “They demanded to know who the foreign numbers were. I told them everything—I had nothing to hide. They began to beat me with a rubber whip, demanding I confess to belonging to the [banned] Oromo Liberation Front. I was kept in solitary confinement for three months and pulled out each night to be beaten.”
His story is too common. Thousands of Ethiopians have fled threats to their lives and security, and many have found asylum in Europe. Now Ethiopian spy agencies are trying to silence any independent criticism of government policy by extending their reach abroad, with the aid of advanced surveillance tools designed and sold by several European companies. These tools give intelligence officials access to files, emails and activity on a target’s computer. They can log keystrokes and passwords and remotely turn on a device’s webcam and microphone—effectively turning a computer into a listening device.
Yohannes Alemu, a former refugee and now a Norwegian citizen who supports an Ethiopian opposition party that the government has banned, found out too late about the spyware. In late 2012, when Mr. Alemu’s wife and two children were visiting family in Ethiopia, security officials detained and questioned her about her husband’s political connections. They sent Mr. Alemu emails demanding more information about his opposition-party associates. He refused, and after 20 days his wife was finally released and returned to Norway.
That was not the end of the incident.
One of the government emails Mr. Alemu received contained an attachment infected with spyware known as FinFisher. FinFisher GmbH, based in Munich, did not respond to Human Rights Watch’s requests for comment regarding the use of its product by Ethiopian authorities.
Once Mr. Alamu’s computer was secretly infected, the Ethiopian security agencies had unfettered access to it. After Mr. Alemu unwittingly forwarded the infected emails to other people, the spyware gave Ethiopian security agencies potentially unfettered access to their computers, too. Researchers at Citizen Lab, a Toronto-based center focused on security and human rights online, confirms that at least one of Mr. Alamu’s contacts’ computers was monitored as a result. Different spyware developed in Italy has been used to target the computers of others in the diaspora.
Such sales are currently perfectly legal, but European companies nonetheless risk complicity in human-rights abuses when they provide products and services that facilitate Ethiopia’s surveillance. Ethiopians living in the U.K., the U.S., Norway, and Switzerland are among those known to have been targeted with Addis Ababa’s spyware. Citizen Lab has documented evidence of use of these tools in over 25 countries.
In December, the 41 member states participating in the Wassenaar Arrangement—a multilateral export-control regime for dual-use technologies—agreed to regulate the export of “intrusion software” and “IP network surveillance systems.” This development signals growing consensus that the trade in powerful surveillance tools being used to violate rights should be reined in.
But much more is needed. The European Commission should lead efforts to regulate the export of such technology to governments with poor human rights records, and to implement the new Wassenaar controls without delay. Until then, Yohannes Alemu will not be the last victim of Ethiopian cyber-surveillance.
Mr. Horne is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of a new report, “‘They Know Everything We Do’: Telecom and Internet Surveillance in Ethiopia.”
source: http://ecadforum.com